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Auction Description for Profiles in History: The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector 2
Viewing Notes:
American History -- lots 1-75
American Literature -- lots 76-105
Art & Architecture -- lots 106-114
English History & Literature -- lots 115-130
European History & Literature -- lots 131-165
Music -- lots 166-200
Science & Medicine -- lots 201-235
Sports & Entertainment -- lots 236-247

Descriptive definitions

Manuscripts:
Autograph letter signed -- entire letter and signature is in the hand of the author.
Letter signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the text is in the hand of a secretary.
Typed letter signed -- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the letter is typewritten.
Document signed -- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the Document is in the hand of a secretary or scribe.
Autograph note signed -- entire note and signature in the hand of the author.
Autograph musical quotation signed -- entire musical quotation, text and signature is in the hand of the composer.
Autograph Manuscript Signed -- entire manuscript and signature is in the hand of the author.



Books:
In bibliographical contexts, format is used to indicate the size of a volume in terms of the number of times the original printed sheet has been folded to form its constituent leaves.
The most common forms are:
Folio -- each sheet is folded once -- approximately 11 x 14 inches or larger.
Quarto -- each sheet is folded twice -- approximately 8 x 10 inches.
Octavo -- each sheet is folded three times -- approximately 5 x 7 inches.

The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector 2

by Profiles in History

Platinum House

247 lots | 246 with images

May 30, 2013

Live Auction

26901 Agoura Road

Suite 150

Calabasas Hills, CA, 91301 USA

Phone: 310-859-7701

Fax: 310-859-3842

Email: Info@profilesinhistory.com

247 Lots
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Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

Lot 1: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, (10.12 x 7.87 in.; 257 x 200 mm.), London, 1 May 1787, to Philip Mazzei, with address overleaf attached, addressed: “Monsieur Phillip Mazzai, chez Monsieur Jefferson, Ambassadeur des États Unis de L ‘Amerique à Paris”; minor red wax seal tear at the left margin, not affecting text.We have now no new Law, that I know of, but ever since I can remember, every Negro who had the Courage to bring an action for his Liberty recovered it. Our Laws would never declare Negroes Slaves by their verdict.Adams writes in full: Sir Your Favour of Feb. 24. I recd, but this Moment. The Mass[achusetts]. Law in question obliged Masters of Vessells, before they landed a Passenger to give Bonds, to maintain him in case he came to want. It was intended to indemnify Parishes, or rather Towns, against the Maintenance of Paupers. This Law turned the Tide of Emigration from Ireland to Philadel­phia. It was early in this century, I believe, but I am not able to ascertain the Date of it.There was an early Law too which obliged Masters who manumitted Negroe, to maintain them in case they came to want, upon the same Principle. We have now no new Law, that I know of, but ever since I can remember, every Negro who had the Courage to bring an action for his Liberty recovered it. Our Laws would never declare Negroes Slaves by their verdict. There is some new Law lately passed, which gives the writ de Homine, Replegianblo, but I know not the Particulars. I have nothing of W. Penn’s dying in the Fleet Prison. I can be of very little service to you in the work you are upon, for I have no American Books to report to but such as you possess, and Memory is a very fallacious Guide. I am, with much Esteem, Sir your most obedient & humble Servant John Adams.Philip Mazzei was an Italian wine merchant in London (1755-73) and later, colonial American agent in Europe (1779-84), sending information to Thomas Jefferson. The two were neighbors in the early years of the American Revolution; Mazzei had been engaged as a vintner at Colle near Monticello. At the time of this letter, Mazzei was in Paris working on his Recherches historigues et politigues sur les États-Unis de l›Amerigue septentrionale, a four-volume work published in Paris in 1788. In perpetual financial difficulty, Mazzei had arrived in Paris late in 1785 or early in 1786 to begin work on what turned out to be one of the largest and probably the most reliable of all works of the period on the United States. The work benefited greatly from Jefferson’s aid, for much of the author’s knowledge of American affairs had been gained from his former neighbor. Apparently, Mazzei was a headache to Jefferson, though the long-suffering Jefferson commended him nonetheless. Despite Jefferson’s influence in the work, it still had an unenthusiastic reception among the French.A strong supporter of religious and political freedoms and a zealous republican, Mazzei asks Adams for assistance, and here Adams responds to his requests. Commenting on Massachusetts law, Adams mentions legal measures “intended to indemnify Parishes, or rather Towns, against the Maintenance of Paupers” — to prevent the entry of destitute immigrants into the country — where soon they would become the responsibility of a town, remarking that a similar measure was enacted to prevent the same thing from happening when Negro slaves obtained their freedom and “came to want.” His comment reveals his great respect for American laws in that they “would never declare Negroes Slaves by their verdict.” What an extraordinary remark from one of our great Founding Fathers contained in the present letter.

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Adams, John. Autograph letter signed as President

Lot 2: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed as President

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Description: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed as President, 2 pages, (9.87 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.), Quincy, 18 May 1799, to “His Excellency Governor St. Clair” — Arthur St. Clair — then the first Governor of the Northwest Territory; spotting and dampstaining, a few minute paper losses not affecting text at folds.Mankind will not Learn wisdom by experience in matters of Government. They get rid of all such systems by slight sarcasms: And say that Theory is in favour of simple Democracy. I say, that Theory is altogether in favour of mixed Governments, as well as experience.President Adams writes in full: Sir I thank you for your favour of April 8th and especially for the Pamphlet inclosed [sic] with it. I have read it with great pleasure as a masterly Refutation of its Antagonist, in the Style and manner of a Gentleman, and seasoned with no more than was usefull and agreable, of Attic Salt [graceful & piercing wit]. Happy am I to find such just sentiments countenanced, encouraged and prevailing in the North Western Territory.Although your Wish that my Writings were more generally read is very flattering to me, I am nevertheless not very confident that they would do much good. Mankind will not Learn wisdom by experience in matters of Government. They get rid of all such systems by slight sarcasms: And say that Theory is in favour of simple Democracy. I say, that Theory is altogether in favour of mixed Governments, as well as experience. But I am not about to write a Lecture. With much esteem, I have the Honor to be Sir, your most obedient and humble Servant. John AdamsAfter the reports regarding the XYZ Affair were made public on 3 April 1798, President John Adams enjoyed a sweeping nationalistic fervor from the spring of 1798 well into the summer of 1799. Adams also gained fairly widespread support for war against France, though he did not want war with France, nor did he want an alliance with Great Britain. The threat of war with France, however sharpened the hostility toward aliens and allowed a number of severe restrictions, known as the Alien and Sedition Acts, to be imposed on American citizens. Adams came under attack from the Republicans, some of who denounced the President as a mad despot, an enemy of the people and of the rights of man, a champion of the aristocrats and a tool of the wealthy bent on subverting American freedom.President Adams was beset from all sides: (1) the Federalists who were actively hostile to the French; (2) the pro-French anti-Federalists, who believed that because of America’s republican ideology, the country’s leaders were obliged to do everything in their power to advance France’s cause against European royalties. As well, both Federalists and anti­-Federalists took Adams’ administration to task for the Alien and Sedition Acts, the former for its failure to apply the laws stringently and the latter for implementing the measures in the first place.Adams responded to one and all that wrote to him: individuals, militia companies, legislative bodies, fraternal organizations, college students and fire companies. In the role of grand educator and benevolent leader, Adams wrote for all the people and not from a partisan position. He was a dedicated leader who wanted to guide the new, united and strong nation. The present letter to St. Clair clearly articulates the dedication and balance of Adams as Second President of the United States.

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Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

Lot 3: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, (9.25 x 7.5 in.; 235 x 191 mm.), Quincy, Massachusetts, 13 June 1812, to the newly elected Governor of New Hampshire, William Plumer; light scattered spotting.Hearty congratulations to the newly elected Governor of New Hampshire and heartfelt wishes “that each branch of your Government harmonizes with you in political sentiments.”Adams writes in full: Dear Sir In the first place, permit me to congratulate you on your Election to the first Magistracy of New Hampshire. In the second place to rejoice with you, that each branch of your Government harmonizes with you in political sentiments. In the third that your state is likely to cooperate with the national Government. For though we may not perfectly approve all the measures of Congress or Administration, yet, as we believe them to be well intended, we should not resist them, at least by force and with intemperance, as dis­ union in these times and circumstances would be pernicious. In the fourth to thank you, for your speech to the Legislature on the 6th of this month, which I have read with pleasure. I hope you will send a copy of it to your Friend in the North, who will be glad to receive it, and will exult in your Election. As I am disappointed in my hopes of his return this season, your correspondence will find him at St. Petersburg with as much certainty as ever. It is to be regretted, that so many of the sons of our good old Mother Massachusetts, whom I love with a fillial [sic] Affection, should be disposed to be contumacious. Yet I cannot but think they have cause to be aggrieved on account of the Restrictions on their commerce, and especially for the obstinate refusal of all reasonable preparations for maritime operations and defence. Let us hope however for better measures in a short time and endeavour to promote them. As my aged and respected Friend Mr. Langdon declines the election as V.P., I hope Mr. Gerrys very long and faithful Services, his great sacrifices and long sufferings will not be neglected. No Man has better qualifications or superior Merits. I am, Sir, with much esteam [sic] and respect your Friend and humble Servant. John AdamsAdams’s informative letter mentions a number of important American historical figures. He makes reference to John Langdon, who had served as Governor of New Hampshire (1788, 1805-09, 1810-11), and had been offered, but declined the Vice-Presidency under Madison after the death of George Clinton. He also makes reference to Elbridge Gerry, formerly the Governor of Massachusetts (1810, 1811), who served after Clinton as Vice President under James Madison (1813-14). Adams also makes reference to his son John Quincy Adams, who, before his Presidency, served as Madison’s first Minister to Russia (1809-1814) and spent those years in St. Petersburg.

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Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

Lot 4: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Adams, John. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, (9.12 x 7.5 in.; 232 x 191 mm.), Quincy, 14 March 1813 to incumbent President James Madison; some paper loss; silked.Adams recommends a clergyman for a commission in the army to James Madison, noting, “I can say of the minister that in point of taste and sense he is a fit companion for a Jefferson and a Madison”Adams writes in full: The Revd. Mr. Henry Colman of Hingham, my neighbor and acquaintance, has a brother, as I am informed, who wishes to be considered as a candidate for a commission in the army. As the brother is unknown to me, I can say nothing of his pretensions. But I can say of the minister that in point of taste and sense he is a fit companion for a Jefferson and a Madison; and in point of learning and integrity worthy to be a disciple of a Barrow and a Butler. I have no hesitation, then, in saying that the government may safely repose entire confidence in the candor and correctness of whatever representation Mr. Colman may make, relative to his brother. Let me add, that in the present disagreeable situation of things, it seems to me of much importance that attention should be given to such characters, that this disaffected part of the Nation may be gradually reconciled to a cordial participation in this righteous and indispensible war. I have written to the Secretary of War upon this subject; but I am not informed what commission Mr. Colman solicits. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant.Adams was currently the elder statesman of the United States, and was a great supporter of Madison and the War of 1812, much to the distress of other Federalists. Madison was a Democratic-Republican, as was Jefferson, and, naturally over the years, differed in many ways from Adams in political viewpoints. Indeed, there was an 11-year period of silence between, Adams and Jefferson, which had only ended the previous year, and Madison and Adams were often at great odds, especially during Adams’ administration. Because most Federalists opposed the War of 1812, when the great victory was won at New Orleans, following right on the heels of a peace agreement, the Federalists as a political party were finished. Interestingly enough, no signs of antagonism or strained relations emerge in the present letter between the two great statesmen. Of particular interest is the mention of “this disaffected part of the Nation,” which refers to New England, where a group called New English Federalist strongly opposed the War and the entire administration.

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Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed

Lot 5: Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (9.25 x 7.5 in.; 235 x 191 mm.), London, 16 December 1795, to his brother, Thomas Boylston Adams. From London, Adams relates to his brother: “The longer I stay here the more I long to return. I find that the maxim which makes anticipation worse than reality, may sometimes be inverted.”Adams writes in full: My Dear Brother. I have received your favour of Nov 18 by Dr. Reed and that of the 23υd enclosing a letter from Charles, but not the packet which you mention as having sent by Mr. Clarke. Let me especially recommend to you to keep the Department of State informed of every thing that may take place where you are. Information there is of the utmost importance, and you will not fail to give accounts equally accurate to these requests not because I think you will be deficient in Industry, but because I feel more forcibly than ever the necessity that good intelligence should be transmitted. I enclose you a letter for the bankers at Amsterdam; I lament that I have not the power to be in two places at once, because it seems to be expected that I should. The longer I stay here the more I long to return. I find that the maxim which makes anticipation worse than reality, may sometimes be inverted. Your waistcoat goes with this, and I hope will suit you. Not a word of what I write you concerning myself, to any Soul living. My time is so short that I am unable to say anything to you respecting our American affairs. — Mr Pickney is now expected from day to day, and I hope to be released as soon as he shall come. Remember me as usual and be assured of my unvaried affection. John Q. Adams.George Washington appointed John Quincy Adams Minister to the Netherlands (1794-97), declaring the young man would prove to be the ablest diplomat in the American service. The young and able Adams was only 28 years of age at the time he wrote the present letter to his brother.

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Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed

Lot 6: Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Adams, John Quincy. Autograph letter signed, 3 pages, (9 x 7.37 in.; 229 x 187 mm.), Washington, 15 April 1808, to His Excellency Gov. Sullivan [of Massachusetts]; tape reinforcement verso of third page.Senator John Quincy Adams defends his support of President Thomas Jefferson’s controversial Embargo against Britain and France — a policy that had devastated New England’s economy and would result in Adams’ removal from office just two months later. John Quincy Adams writes in full: Sir, Your favour of the 8th inst. reached me the day before yesterday. I have for many months entertained apprehensions that a considerable party in our Country, from the terror of France, and a misinformed partiality for England, are labouring to bring us into a connection with Britain, which I do sincerely deprecate, as believing it utterly irreconcilable with the interests and Independence of this Nation — I hope and believe however that this party will not be so formidable as your letter apprehends ­— When their real views shall be more fully disclosed, I trust in the Spirit and Self respect of my Country, too much to dread that they will suffer themselves to be reduced again to the condition of British Colonists — Nor am I without hopes that the present Situation of Great Britain, with a Russian and Austrian War upon her hands in addition to that which has already bearing upon her, and with the impatience for Peace, which is beginning to be manifested by her People, will deter her Ministers from rushing into that foolish and extravagant War, which I believe they were fully determined upon against us the last Summer and Autumn — One of the greatest immediate temptations to that War, was the mass of our commercial property which was exposed to the pillage of her Navy — This inducement is now almost entirely taken away, and the influence of the Navy and of the Admiralty will have no Stimulus to hostility from the prospect of that harvest of confiscation which a War might have promised them but for our Embargo — The issuing of the Orders of Council of 11 Novυr. and the sending of Mυr. Ross to negotiate here at the same time are strong indications of their policy at that time — The orders were intended to get all the American property, which war could have given them, into their hands in the European Seas — And by making the place of Negotiation here, they could give, and I have no doubt did give coincident Instructions to their squadron here, at the moment of rupture had it occurred at the time which they anticipated to grasp at every portion of our Commerce floating upon our own Seas — There is however now very little temptation to allure them to a War, from this Source — There are indications also in the late Parliamentary Debates of both houses, which lead me to think it less probable that the Ministry will drive us to the extremity of War and if we have no British War, I think the influence of the party , which favours the designs of that Nation will decline instead of increasing.I have transmitted to your Excellency copies of all the documents relating to our foreign Affairs which have yet been published. It will appear from them that our measures have been calculated to secure our Independence of action from the coercion of both the great belligerent powers — We are still free to resist the violence of either or of both parties. We are free to oppose the pretensions of each of them to impel us into War with her Enemy. The Efforts of Britain to get us into a War with France have been obvious ever since the Signature of the Treaty which was partly on that account returned without ratification. The attempts of France have been delayed until a very recent period, and her means of success are comparatively much inferior to those of her rival. In truth our neutrality would be of great advantage to France, if England would suffer us to enjoy the rights of neutrals — But when Britain says, you shall not carry on neutral trade, because that trade favours France, and when she actually carries this denial into Execution, France can have no interest in the existence of any neutrality. Hence her violent and unjustifiable decrees. Congress have agreed to close their Session the 25th of this month — There is a bill before them authorizing the President to suspend the Embargo in the recess, if Circumstances should occur to render it practicable consistently with the public safety. The Bill for raising 6000 men for a limited time has passed both houses and received the approbation of the President. I am very respectfully, your Excellency’s very humble and obedt. Servt. John Quincy AdamsThe Embargo Act of 1807 was passed on December 22 of that year by the U.S. Congress, in answer to the British orders in council restricting neutral shipping and to Napoleon’s restrictive Continental System. The U.S. merchant marine suffered mightily from both the British and French, and Thomas Jefferson undertook to answer both nations with measures that, by restricting neutral trade, would show the importance of that trade. The first attempt was the Non-Importation Act, passed April 18, 1806, forbidding the importation of specified British goods in order to force Great Britain to relax its rigorous rulings on cargoes and sailors. The act was suspended, but the Embargo Act of 1807 was a bolder statement of the same idea. It forbade all international trade to and from American ports, and Jefferson hoped that Britain and France would be persuaded of the value and the rights of a neutral commerce.Jefferson’s daring attempt to use economic pressure in a world at war was ultimately not successful. Britain and France stood firm, and not enough pressure could be brought to bear on the belligerents. Enforcement was difficult, especially in New England, where merchants looked on the scheme as an attempt to defraud them of a livelihood. John Quincy Adams, at this time a U.S. Senator representing Massachusetts, paid a heavy political price for his support of Jefferson’s Embargo — he was removed from office by the Federalist leaders of Massachusetts just two months after the date of this letter in June 1808.

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Adams, John Quincy. Autographed letter signed

Lot 7: Adams, John Quincy. Autographed letter signed

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Description: Adams, John Quincy. Autographed letter signed, 3 pages, (9.5 x 7.75 in.; 241 x 197 mm.), Ghent, 11 September 1814, to Levett Harris Esquire Charge d’Affaires at St. Petersburg; light scattered spotting.Amid negotiations at the end of the War of 1812 in Ghent, John Quincy Adams proclaims: “Peace ... is the earnest desire of both the Governments of France and England. Peace is also necessary to all the other great European Powers to consolidate their Governments, shaken to their foundations by the twenty years Hurricane of the French Revolution.”Adams writes in full: Dear Sir: I have had the pleasure of receiving your favour of 12th ulto: and was much gratified at the information which you had the goodness to communicate to me in it; excepting that of your disappointment in missing the fete at Pavlofsky; but you had been in such a continual series of those entertainments from the time of your and the Emperor’s return that I suppose it was not much of a loss to you. We elderly gentlemen, however, are apt to lose the habit of estimating at its real value the importance of a Ball to youth of your standing.I do most cordially ask that your anticipations of the probable restoration to power and influence of a great statesman, the friend to his country and of ours may be realized — but whether in or out of power, I beg you whenever you may have the occasion to see him, to offer him the assurance of my respectful remembrance of all the [confidants] of Princes with whom I have ever been in official or personal relations, he is the man who has left upon my mind the deepest impression of sound judgment, of honourable principles, and of truly courteous deportment. Whatever his future destiny or my own may be, these shall be the sentiments that I shall ever retain of him.The Congress I believe will meet at Vienna, though rumours have been in circulation here as well as with you that it might be transferred further North. The prospects of War have apparently been thickening for several months, and you will find them very much countenanced even by the aspects of the British Ministerial Prints. I do nevertheless believe that the result of this Congress will be pacification and not new Wars — my conclusion is drawn from general views, which I have always found safer grounds for political inferences, than particular symptoms. It is scarcely possible for War to be made in Europe when France and England are finally resolved that there should be Peace. Now, for the first time, certainly since 1792, the unequivocal interest of England; and the Policy of both the French and English Governments is pacific — England most especially wants peace in Europe that she may pursue without molestation her designs against America and her plans for engrossing the commerce of the whole World. The French Government is pacific, though the Nation and Army are not so, because the king considers himself indebted to England for his throne; because he has found an asylum in England during his misfortunes; because he has imbibed English prejudices and formed English attachments; because not being himself a military man, he can acquire no personal glory by War and he cannot be desirous of facing any French General party in France in favour of Napoleon, against which he foresees the possibility of needing again the support of England as ally because after passing twenty years in exile, under every species of mortification and distress, he wishes to spend his last days in tranquility and the quiet enjoyment of his crown. Peace then is the earnest desire of both the Governments of France and England. Peace is also necessary to all the other great European Powers to consolidate their Governments, shaken to their foundations by the twenty years Hurricane of the French Revolution. To enjoy the triumph which has at last crowned the struggle for Life and death which so often brought them to the point of extinction and to preserve the precious fund of detestation against the Revolution and against Buonoparte by proving experimentally that all the miseries of Europe which have so long been afflicting the Nations, are to be attributed only to them. The interest, the policy, the pride and the shame of all the great potentates are equally pledged to the preservation of a general peace, and with this great consideration weighing alike on them all, I consider all the armaments that have been maintained in every quarter, and the menacing language which has at time been indulged only as exemplifications of the maxim of securing Peace by being prepared for War.The course of the mails gives you, at this season, advices from London in as short a time as from Ghent — and it is in London that the issue of the negotiations at Ghent will probably first be known — I dare say you will recollect the conversation which I once had with you in which I expressed to you my sense of the extreme impropriety of connecting any commercial speculation of private interest with the business of this negotiation. An incident has recently occurred very strongly confirming me in the sentiments I had entertained on that subject. Immediately after the departure of Mr. Dallas, Col. Milligan very suddenly went off to Scotland accompanied as far as London and Liverpool by an American named Creighton, who had been some time here, and had received from the Mission the usual attentions of civility. Their arrival at London and at Liverpool was the signal for immense speculations in American articles, on the reported rupture of the negotiations, and of statements in the newspapers, not altogether correct, but with a mixture of facts which could only have been divulged by them. Creighton is known to have been very deep in those speculations; and if Milligan was not, the indiscretion of his conduct, by thus going to England, even without a passport has not only involved him in the suspicion of participation in them himself, but has implicated the whole American Mission in the same suspicion -a procedure for which so far as concerns myself I do not thank him.There was and is yet no absolute rupture of the negotiations, but I cannot assure you there will not be, when I close this letter. We have been expecting it every hour since Mr.Dallas went away and for some days before. There is no impossibility that we may still be detained here for weeks, but the prospect of Peace is the same as it was when you saw the Emperor Alexander in London.We have just applied for a passport for the Schooner Herald now laying at Amsterdam to send home dispatches. I am, with Respect, Dear Sir, your very humble and obedient servant. John Quincy AdamsAn important letter in which Adams eloquently articulates the devastation caused by Napoleon amid the French Revolution and the necessity for peace among all European powers in order to rebuild and flourish economically and politically.

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Bartlett, Josiah. Autograph letter signed

Lot 8: Bartlett, Josiah. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Bartlett, Josiah. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, (12 x 7.25 in.; 305 x 184 mm.), Kingstown, New Hampshire, 6 April 1778, to Captain Abraham French & Captain Richard Hubbard Junr; browning; some paper loss.The drafting of soldiers in the American Revolution: “three pence per mile for their travel to the said place of rendezvous”Bartlett writes in full: In Consequence of Directions from the Honorable the Congress of the United States for immediately filling up the three Continental Regiments of this State and persuant to orders from the Council of Safety of this State to me Directed, you are hereby required forthwith to draft or otherwise engage as many men as will compleat the quota required of your companies for filling up the said continental regiments to service in either of them for the term of nine months (unless sooner discharged) from the time they appear at Fish Kills in the State of New York being the place appointed by Congress for their rendezvous, and you are to make return of the men so drafted or engaged to the commanding officer of this regiment without fail by the last Monday of April current with lists descriptive of their names, age, stature & places of abode, and each man so drafted or engaged who shall supply himself with a good firelock & bayonet a cartouch box & blanket, and who shall at the expiration of said term of service produce to the paymaster a certificate from his captain or other commanding officer of his company that he hath been constantly provided, therewith shall receive for the use of his firelock cartouch box & bayonet two dollars & for his blanket four dollars, and in the same proportion for any or either of them and if any or either of them are lost or rendered useless in the service without the fault or negligence of the Proprietor he shall be paid the full value thereof. And the men so drafted or engaged are to be mustered by the muster master heretofore appointed and are to receive three pence per mile for their travel to the said place of rendezvous. And they are to be sent to Exeter on or before the last Wednesday of April current ready equipt to march to the place of rendezvous aforesaid and you are not to admit prisoners of war or deserters from the enemy into the said service.Bartlett served as commander of a militia regiment in 1775. In the same year, he was also elected to represent New Hampshire in the Continental Congress. He voted for independence and was the first to sign the Declaration after John Hancock. He continued to serve and participated in the ratification of the Articles of Confederation. He later filled the offices of Judge of Common Pleas and of the Supreme Court of his state, and joined the Federal Constitutional Convention. He was elected President and then Governor of New Hampshire.

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[Bunker Hill Broadside.]This Town was alarmed on the 17th Instant ... [Boston: John Howe, 1775]

Lot 9: [Bunker Hill Broadside.]This Town was alarmed on the 17th Instant ... [Boston: John Howe, 1775]

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Description: [Bunker Hill Broadside.]This Town was alarmed on the 17th Instant ... [Boston: John Howe, 1775]; Broadsheet (11.75 x 6 in.; 297 x 153 mm.). A rare broadside account in fine condition of the Battle of Bunker Hill from the British perspective. One week after the battle, this document which accurately describes the action, was printed and circulated by John Howe, the same loyalist printer who published General Gage’s account of the events of 19 April 1775. Evans and Shipton-Mooney locate copies at the British Library, Library of Congress and the Massachusetts Historical Society. Since the 1970s, less than a dozen copies have appeared at auction.A pyrrhic victory for the British. The casualty count, on the other hand, was pure propaganda to emphasize the fierce bravery and courage of the British forces. “The Loss they sustained must have been considerable, from the vast Numbers they were seen to carry off during the Action ... About a Hundred were buried the Day after, and Thirty found wounded on the Field, some of which are since Dead. About 170 of the King’s Troops were killed, and since dead of their Wounds; and a great many were wounded.” According to Boatner, American strength was about 3,000, with an estimated 140 dead and 301 wounded. British strength was about 2,500, and they lost about 45 percent of their troops. Of the British officer casualties in the 20 battles fought during the Revolution, one-eighth were killed and one-sixth were wounded at Bunker Hill.The broadside concludes: “The Action has shown the Bravery of the King’s Troops, who under very Disadvantage, gained a compleat Victory over Three Times their Number, strongly posted, and covered by Breastworks. But they fought for their King, their Laws and Constitution.”Reference: Evans 13842; Ford, W. C. Broadsides 1801; James S. Copley Library, First Selection (14 April 2010, lot 29)––Streeter Sale 2:760.

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[Civil War - Confederacy.] A collection of letters from iconic names of the Confederacy

Lot 10: [Civil War - Confederacy.] A collection of letters from iconic names of the Confederacy

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Description: [Civil War – Confederacy (CSA, Confederate States of America).] A remarkable collection of letters from some of the most iconic names of the Confederacy documenting the very different ways each dealt with defeat. From Davis’s intransience until death, Lee’s desire to put the War behind him and John “The Grey Ghost” Mosby being able to both reminisce/remember and again become involved in civic affairs (he even worked as a campaign manager for Ulysses S. Grant).The group includes: Davis, Jefferson. Autograph letter signed, 3 pages, octavo, Beauvoir, Mississippi, 3 February 1889. Less then a year before his death, Davis still refers to the Republicans (the party of Abraham Lincoln and the Abolitionists) as “the radical party and still held that … All honest and intelligent men must admit …the improvement of the negro race since their forefathers were landed in this country & those who have had opportunity to observe closely, must admit that they have deteriorated from the time when they were left to govern themselves …” Davis, Jefferson. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages, octavo, P.O. Harrison Co. Missi., 28 September 1878, to J.F.H. Claiborne (Assistant Commissary General of the C.S.A during the war). More than a decade after the war’s end, Davis still harbors ill will towards Andrew Johnson (a Southerner from Tennessee who stood by the Union and was Abraham Lincoln’s Vice President in 1865) blaming Johnson for Davis’s being held for years as being responsible for Lincoln’s assassination writes here of “… the evasive generalities by which Mr. Johnson attempted to conceal his malignity, towards me personally …” Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter [not signed], 1 page, quarto, Lexington, Va., 5 August 1869, to an unknown correspondent; vertically in the left-hand margin is written: “The hand writing of Genl. R. E. Lee. G. W. C. Lee, Esυq” [George Washington Custis Lee was the eldest son of Robert E. Lee.] Six years after the Battle of Gettysburg Robert E. Lee declines an invitation to memorialize that great battle writing, “… I believe if there I could not add anything material to the information existing on the Subject. I think it wiser moreover not to keep open the sores of war, but to follow the examples of those nations who endeavoured to obliterate the marks of civil strife & to commit to oblivion the feelings it engendered.” Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed (“R E Lee”), 2 pages, quarto, Lexington, Va., 6 July 1868, to Robert Beverly Esqr; with transmittal envelope. As the President of Washington College (current day Washington & Lee University) Lee writes to a fellow Virginian about the education of his sons advising “…You will see here they can pursue such a course of study as you may think best for them, but I always advise all young men in Commencing their education, & in preparing for the duties of life which they cannot foresee, to begin on a hard foundation, occupy their full time, & take the disciplinary studies with the practical, which will develop their minds & enlarge their capacity….” Mosby, John Singleton. Autograph letter signed (“Jno S Mosby”), 4 pages, octavo, San Francisco, 25 February 1898, to Mrs. Kate Noland Garnett; browned; with transmittal envelope. “…On my next trip East I intend to run over to Baltimore to see some of my old friends. I can never forget the grand old days when you, your sisters, and Norice Taylor used to cheer us when we came back from a raid…” Mosby, John Singleton. Typed letter signed (“Jno S Mosby”), 2 pages, quarto, Washington, D.C., 23 September 1904, to F.R. Pemberton, New York; with handwritten corrections. “... You take exception to my allusion in my published letter to Mrs. Lyons, the widow of your wife’s grandfather, having been a clerk under Mathews, a New York negro, appointed by Mr. Cleveland. I did not refer to it as in any way reflecting either on Mrs. Lyons, or on Mr. Cleveland. I always called to see Mrs. Lyons when I came to Washington, and neither I, or any of [h]er friends, considered her any less of a lady on account of the position she held. You had been a warm supporter of Mr. Cleveland; and in your letter to me had criticized Mr. Roosevelt with great severity on account of his alleged affiliation with negroes … I could see no difference between Roosevelt and Cleveland. … You speak of the clerkship as being humiliating employment for Mrs. Lyons … As a clerk she stood high in Washington as when she was a social queen in Richmond. … Our difference is that you judge by one standard while I judge by another …” Mosby, John Singleton. Autograph letter signed (“Jno S Mosby”), 2 pages, quarto, Washington, D.C., 6 June 1906, to Chinn. Although staying connected with his past, Mosby shows little patience for the excesses of his Confederate colleagues at reunions, “[Col.] Tom [Smith] has no idea of ever dying and expects to go to several hundred reunions and get drunk at all. It is because I have no taste or toleration for such gush that I do not go to these reunions …” Mosby, John Singleton. Autograph letter signed (“Jno S Mosby”), 1 page, quarto, The Alamo, Washington, 17 February 1915, to Glen Walton Blodgett. In the last year of his life Mosby shares an observation, “… I enclose a clipping … that shows the great change in sentiment in the South. It is of course gratifying to me although the change has come too late to be of any practical benefit …”An fine group of Civil War letters including the most towering figures of the CSA.

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[Civil War - Union.] Group of (7) letters by important figures involved in the American Civil War

Lot 11: [Civil War - Union.] Group of (7) letters by important figures involved in the American Civil War

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Description: [Civil War – Union.] Fine group of (7) letters by important figures involved in the American Civil War on behalf of the Union, including: Sherman, William Tecumseh. Autograph letter signed, 3 pages, octavo, St. Louis, 25 January 1884, to H.M. Hoxie, testifying “to the importance of the enterprise of the men who have built the railroads of the U.S. than myself. I honestly believe that the men who have built the railroads of the U.S. west of the Missouri River have done more to solve the Indian problem, to civilize the west, than Congress, the Army, or any other single institution”. Ewing, Thomas, Jr. Autograph letter signed, in pencil, 2 pages, quarto, Sedalia, [Missouri], October 12, [1863], to Lt. Co. C. W. Marsh. Union general; led Border District (July 1863-March 1864), during which time he issued the famous Order No. 11 depopulating the Missouri counties to combat rebel guerillas. Stanton, Edwin M. Letter signed as Secretary of War, 1 page, quarto, Washington, D.C., 30 January, to Robert Dale Owen, on imprinted stationery of the War Department; with integral blank leaf attached. Just two weeks after his appointment as Lincoln’s Secretary of War Stanton writes “I … agree with your favorable estimate of the President, and am much obliged for your suggestions in relation to contracts for arms. At the earliest possible moment I will be happy to avail myself of your experience and observations with respect to the great matters now devolved upon me. I am conscious of my own inability to meet the solemn exigencies of the hour, but I shall rely with confidence upon the cordial support of yourself and all good men.”Kearny, Philip. Autograph letter signed (“Kearny”), 3 pages, octavo, Harrison’s Landing, 15 July [1862], to My Dear cousin. The Union general in the Civil War who distinguished himself at Williamsburg, Seven Pines and Second Bull Run, writes in part: “The mere vanity of a militia title seemed to me a very small matter compared to forming his character professionally. Besides, there was something to me painful in seeing my poor young cousin “in a false position.” I am very sensitive, too, as a gentleman, & a patriot, as to using the influence, we possess socially, to add to the general demoralization, now endangering the cause of the North, by filling the army with incompetent officers. Buell, Don Carlos. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, quarto, Louisville, [Kentucky], 13 February 1862, to Major General George McClellan. In need of supplies during the Kentucky campaign, Brigadier General Buell writes an urgent request to General-in-Chief of the Army of the Potomac George McClellan for horses just days before the occupation of Bowling Green, Kentucky, an important Confederate stronghold; the request endorsed by McClellan, Quartermaster General M. C. Meigs and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton. Meade, George Gordon. Autograph letter signed (“Geo. G. Meade”), 3 pages, octavo, 27 March 1864, on Head-Quarters, Army of the Potomac letterhead stationery, to Brigadier General Dr. Samuel Wiley Crawford in Philadelphia; light staining from paperclip on 2υnd and 3υrd pages. General Meade writes to General Crawford to inquire of his condition for duty (he had been seriously wounded during the battle of Antietam) as he was reorganizing the Army of the Potomac in preparation for the Overland Campaign of May–June 1864. Crawford would indeed participate in the operations of the Army of the Potomac until the close of the war. Graham, Michael. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages, quarto, Martinsburg, Virginia, 22 August 1863, To Your Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President, U.S. Michael Graham, a Union secret service agent, gives critical and detailed intelligence to his Commander in Chief, Abraham Lincoln, on conditions and opportunities in the Shenandoah Valley. Graham also makes a plea for 800 men to go after the notorious Confederate Raider, Major Mosby, the “Grey Ghost.”

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Carnegie, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

Lot 12: Carnegie, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Carnegie, Andrew. Autograph letter signed, 3 pages, (6.87 x 4.37 in.; 175 x 111 mm.), New York, 24 January 1908, to “My Dear Friend”, on his imprinted stationery.Heartfelt wishes to a friend on his 50th birthday.Carnegie writes in full: This day you reach your half Centenary, midway in lifes ocean. You pause, & friends around take you by the hand Congratulating you, & well they may. You bring to us in your clasp “the most precious jewel that mortal times afford,” Spotless Reputation. Then we find the warm heart, & the noble aspiration to labor for the good of your fellows, that endears you to your choice circle of devoted friends, the second better part. I picture you this evening saying to your beloved wife, (after you have whispered to her that she is your Guiding Angel) -I count myself in nothing else so happy as in a soul remembering My Dear Friends among whom please let me rank, & also among your greatest debtors. With every good wish, in which I am asked to tell you my dearer self cordially joins…

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Cody, William F. Autograph letter signed

Lot 13: Cody, William F. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Cody, William F. Autograph letter signed (“W. F. Cody”), 1 page, (11 x 8.5 in.; 279 x 216 mm.), Flint, Michigan, 3 September 1916. On imprinted promotional stationery of The Chicago Shan-Kive and Round-Up at the Old Cubs’ Ball Park, to Dr. Calauge. With the original envelop depicting Cody on horseback, promoting the “Buffalo Bill” JOI Ranch Shows.Buffalo Bill Cody hastily writes a letter articulating how the Wild West was a very different place.Cody writes in full: Sorry I havent the time to give you data on some of the Surgeons I have known on the plains during the Indian wars and frontier towns. They were in all the shooting scraps. If they didnt do the shooting their selves, They allways were in at the death. Ive known three incidents where surgeons shot their man then attended him until he got well. They were all plumb stuck on caroeing [sic] any man. And they didnt take aback seat where it come to shooting. I once heared General Phil Sheridan say he couldnt keep those dam Surgeons back with the hospital ambulances-they wanted to be on the fireing line. Yours Truly W.F. CodyAn intriguing letter providing Cody’s scathing perspective on surgeons in the Old West.

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Colt, Samuel. Letter signed

Lot 14: Colt, Samuel. Letter signed

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Description: Colt, Samuel. Letter signed, (“Saml Colt”), 1 page, (9.87 x 7.87 in.; 251 x 200 mm.), Washington City, 1 April 1844, to General William Gibbs McNeill of Stonington, Connecticut; with docketed integral leaf attached.Samuel Colt excitedly writes about an upcoming test for the “favorite creation of his early career,” the Submarine Battery. This invention was actually a remote-detonated underwater mine for coastal defense and remained to his death one of his most closely guarded secrets. The impending test would be immensely successful, yet his system would ultimately fail to find the necessary support from the War or Navy Departments.Colt writes in full: Agreeable to promise I write to inform you that the preparations for my submarine battery experiments are about being completed and wind & weather permitting the grand exhibition will come off on Monday or Tuesday of next week. I have a full rigged ship here already for action and if I am successful in blowing her to kingdom come, it will be one of the grandest spectacles ever witnessed “in the heavens above, in the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth”. You must not [on] any account fail to be here. In great haste I am Faithfully Yours…Saml ColtIn 1842, Colt had successfully demonstrated the ability of his underwater mines to the U.S. Government by destroying a moving vessel to the satisfaction of the United States Navy and President John Tyler. However, opposition from John Quincy Adams, who was serving as a U.S. Representative from Massachusetts scuttled the project as “not fair and honest warfare” and called the Colt mine an “unchristian contraption.”“The obscurity surrounding the nature of Colt’s Submarine Battery stemmed substantially from the almost obsessive secrecy with which that remarkable entrepreneur surrounded what was indeed the favorite creation of his early career … The New England inventor’s dogged secrecy regarding the precise character of his Submarine Battery, which he successfully maintained throughout four public demonstrations at Washington and New York, ultimately alienated cognizant military professionals, whose guidance or active participation Colt deliberately eschewed in refining his distinctive single and dual observer systems for mine firing control. Notwithstanding the apparent success of his climactic demonstration at the Washington Navy Yard in April 1844, the precise details of which yet remain open to conjecture, Colt was unable to secure War or Navy Department support either for the adoption of his galvanic mine system for coastal defense purposes or for Congressional payment of a contingent premium for the secret of his Submarine Battery.”υ (Philip K. Lundeberg, “Samuel Colt’s Submarine Battery – The Secret and The Enigma”; Smithsonian Institution Press, 1974).

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Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed

Lot 15: Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed

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Description: Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed (“Jeffer Davis”), 1 page, (9.75 x 7.75 in.; 248 x 197 mm.), War Department, Washington, 21 August 1856, “To the President” (Franklin Pierce).Five years before the start of the Civil War, United States Secretary of War Jefferson Davis warns President Franklin Pierce of the dangers of reducing the size of the United States Army. Davis writes in full: Sir: In answer to your enquiry as to the balances remaining in the Treasury from the last appropriation, for the support of the Army, I have the honor to state that the obligations already incurred by the Government exceed the sum of those balances by about $460,000. It may be proper to add that a portion of the balances in the Treasury having been appropriated for specific objects are not available for the support of the Army.The present strength of the Army in regiments is over 13,000 officers and men, more than 12,000 of whom are engaged in active field operations and in protecting the frontiers against the depredations of hostile Indians, and one small force not thus employed hold the fortifications which cover the commercial cities and salient points most exposed to a sudden descent by a foreign foe. To disband the troops would subject our frontier & settlements to the attacks of a formidable savage enemy and render our fortifications, which it has required years of labor and millions of expenditure to construct, useless for national defence in any sudden emergency. Very respectfully Yr obυt Servt Jeffer Davis Secretary of WarA strong and industrious Secretary of War, Davis’s term under President Pierce was exemplary. He introduced an improved system of infantry tactics, iron gun-carriages, rifled muskets and pistols and the use of the Minié ball. During this time, four regiments were added to the army, and the defenses along the seacoast and in the frontier were strengthened. It is ironic that, in modernizing the army, Davis (as Secretary of War) was shaping it into the efficient war machine that would, a decade later, crush the rebellion led by Davis as President of the C.S.A.

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Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed

Lot 16: Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed

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Description: Davis, Jefferson. Letter signed (“Jeffer Davis”), 2 pages, (9.87 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.), Richmond, 6 August 1863, to Milledge Luke Bonham, Governor of South Carolina; scattered spotting.Jefferson Davis’s historic letter to the Governor of South Carolina on the safety of Charleston, the “heart” of the Confederacy.Davis writes in full: Your letter of the 28th ultimo, was received by me a day or two since. Within a very recent period, an increased number of heavy guns-Smooth bore & rifled, of both Navy and Army pattern — have been sent to Charleston. Doubtless most of them have already arrived there and are now in service.[Clement Anselm] Evans Brigade has been ordered to Charleston and the remainder of [Alfred Holt] Colquit[t]s will be at once. In relation to the incomplete gun boat ‘Charleston’ it is deemed proper & best that, whatever shall be done with her, must be done upon full consultation with Captain [John Randolph] Tucker, and under his command. The Secretary of the Navy [Stephen Russell Mallory] I am informed has communicated by telegraph with you on this subject.Be assured that the Executive Branch of the Government will continue to do all that is possible for the safety & relief [of] the city, which we pray will never be polluted by the footsteps of a lustful relentless, inhuman foe. It must never pass to the even temporary subjection of the mean & cruel enemy. I trust that the organization of the Militia in which you were engaged is nearly if not quite complete. What is its number & efficiency? Most respectfully Your Obt Svt Jeffer DavisIn April 1863, four months before Davis’s letter, Federal ironclads steamed into Charleston Harbor and attacked Fort Sumter. Expecting victory, instead, the Union fleet was badly battered; five vessels were disabled — and withdrew. The commander, Samuel DuPont, decided that Charleston could not be taken by naval force alone. In July, a siege of Battery Wagner (one of the main defenses of Charleston Harbor) began, with the Union hopeful for a decisive victory that would include the taking of Charleston. The stubborn Confederate defenses led to the Union’s re-evaluation of their strategy; General Quincy Adams Gilmore decided that an all-out siege was required, and made preparations for nearly a month. Meanwhile, Davis had called on local defense troops to aid the attacked city and harbor. Shortly after Davis’ letter, Union troops began a lengthy bombardment of Fort Sumter. On the fifth day of the bombardment, August 21st, General Gilmore demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter and the immediate evacuation of Morris Island; he threatened to bombard Charleston unless his terms were met. The Confederates refused, and the bombardment continued. The Confederates were successful in halting Union drives to Charleston, though bombardment was renewed in late October. On November 2nd, Davis was welcomed in Charleston, while from the harbor came the sound of Union shells exploding over Fort Sumter. It was not until February 1865 that Charleston was finally forced to evacuate. Charleston, the proud birthplace of secession and the “spiritual” capital of the whole south, was battered for nearly four years. With the evacuation of Charleston, the heart of the Confederacy was broken. It was a tragic day for the South. Davis exclaimed on the surrender of Fort Sumter to the Union forces that had besieged it: “this disappointment to me is extremely bitter.”

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Davis, Jefferson. Autograph letter signed

Lot 17: Davis, Jefferson. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Davis, Jefferson. Autograph letter signed, 3 pages, (9.5 x 6 in.; 241 x 152 mm.), 25 July 1882, to Georgia Congressman V. H. Manning Beauvoir, Harrison Co., Mississippi, on engraved stationery. Jefferson Davis on the decline of the Old South. Davis writes in full: I have received your kind letter of the 20th inst., and also the valued gift of the 4th vol. of War records. The three preceding vols. sent by you were duly received, and acknowledged, as I the more distinctly remember from replying from your offer to continue to send the series while you remained in Congress, by the expression of the hope, that for our country’s sake I hoped your term would continue long beyond the probable duration of that publication. You also generously offered to send to me any other publication I might desire, to that I did not reply, because of unwillingness to tax you so heavily, and being mindful of the influence such attention has on constituents, I wished you to have the benefit of it.In the secluded life I lead, seldom leaving home except when business forces me to do so, much opportunity is afforded for reflection on published events, and I am sorry to say little gratification or hope is derived from the study. It is the proverbial vice of old men, to think the times worse than they were, and I would be glad to believe that the mists of age distort to me the aspect of public affairs. I cannot rejoice in the colossal wealth acquired by some men and some corporations. Our fathers expected by abolishing primo geniture to secure the more equal distribution of wealth. They reckoned not exactly of the ‘progressive’ generations which should succeed, and looking on the so called progress unreal because it is in material not moral advancement there is ever ringing in my ears as prophetic of our fate, ‘the land to hastening ills a prey where wealth accumulates and men decay.’But I did not intend to inflict on you a homily, would rather cheer you in the race you are running for that distinction, which will not be less because it is the fruit of the exceptional method of honorable, unselfish endeavor. with sincere esteem I am your Friend Jefferson Davis.In this heartfelt letter, Davis, at 74 years of age, addresses many of the great themes that dominated the transformation of the South, including the growth of immense personal and corporate fortunes, the focus on the material rather than the moral, and the decline of the republican goals of the founding fathers.

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Eisenhower, Dwight D. A remarkable collection of (54) letters to Mamie Eisenhower

Lot 18: Eisenhower, Dwight D. A remarkable collection of (54) letters to Mamie Eisenhower

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Description: Eisenhower, Dwight D. A remarkable collection of (54) letters (all but one are autograph letters signed), 1942-1945, to Mamie Eisenhower, ranging in paper size (6 x 9 in. to 8 x 10.5 in.; 152 x 229 mm. to 203 x 267 mm.); many with original transmittal envelopes; all letters in this collection are in fine condition.A large collection of intimate correspondence from Dwight D. Eisenhower to his beloved wife Mamie over the course of three years (1942-1945) spent traveling abroad throughout Europe managing the war effort.The insightful correspondence encompasses news of WWII, personal longings for home, thoughts about his son, John, devotion to his wife and even a few gentle spats between the loving, long-distance couple. All of the letters found in this collection were published in the comprehensive book, Letters To Mamie, by Dwight D. Eisenhower, edited and with commentary by John S. D. Eisenhower, published by Doubleday & Company Inc., 1978. The collection begins with United States Major General Dwight D. Eisenhower in residence in London, 14 October 1942 and ends with his final WWII letter to Mamie from Frankfurt on 31 October 1945. Soon after, Eisenhower returned stateside, where his dream of settling down was not to be realized, as he was appointed Chief of Staff of the Army by President Harry Truman and then later ultimately became the 34υth President of the United States of America, serving from 1953-1961. Highlights from the collection of intimate and informative letters include:On 14 October 1942, Eisenhower is stationed in London and enjoying his birthday, as he writes to Mamie, in part: “… I’ve opened your two packages. Both are most acceptable and I thank you truly for your thoughtfulness. Bedell gave me a new fly-rod (something to use in the days of peace, if they ever come). My close friends are giving me a dog (Scotty puppy which Mitch will have to housebreak)…”On 17 November 1942, Eisenhower travels to the southern end of the Iberian Peninsula to become the only American to ever command Gibraltar. He writes, in part: Since I cannot even guess at how much the home newspapers print of this affair I don’t know what your particular mental picture of it may be. But so far as I’m concerned it’s primarily more work, more anxious moments and more expenditures of nervous energy … Tomorrow I’m really going to take time off and write a letter to John. I know it’s hard for anyone to believe but our sole reaction or diversion from constant problems are the letters we get …On 31 December 1942, days after French Admiral Francois Darlan was assassinated in Gibraltar, Eisenhower writes as to Mamie, in part: This is the briefest kind of a note; it mainly represents my final chance in 1942 to tell you I love you and that you mean everything to me. Before the new year can become the old I hope to see you, in person, to tell you these things much more explicitly than I can on cold paper …On 10 March 1943, Eisenhower writes from Algiers, in part: At midnight, last night, a dripping messenger at the door, with the aid of the sentry, finally woke me up to hand me an urgent message. I thought the Hun must be at the gates of the city! The message said “Mamie has arrived safely at San Antonio”. I was so glad to know it that I didn’t mind being wakened …On 3 April 1943, the General waxes philosophical about his job. He writes, in part: For anyone occupying a position such as this, war is just a succession of intricate and difficult problems, any of them of a kind that either have no ending or at least are not capable of definite and final solution. Excitement, to vary the routine, is scarcely greater than in Washington …On 18 July 1943, from Amilcar, Tunisia Eisenhower relates a dream, in part: Last night I dreamed you had come over here. We were having a lot of fun fixing things up the way you wanted them – particularly my house at my main headquarters. You found out that I was leaving at once for quite a trip; and did you give me a hail Columbia! But that didn’t last long – next we were in the car, and instead of worrying about the dirt and poverty and filth on every home you were vastly intrigued with the buildings, scenery and so on …On 17 March 1944 from London, Eisenhower nostalgically remembers the engagement party Mamie threw following Dwight’s proposal on Valentine’s Day in 1916. He writes, in part: No matter who might descend on me today, I’ll let nothing interfere with writing you a note, because 28 years ago today you gave me a party where you let it be known we were engaged …On 12 April 1944, from Bushy Park, London, Eisenhower confides, in part: I constantly get letters from anxious mothers begging for their boys to be sent home. I always feel cruel in telling them their boys must stay to do their duty – but there is no other answer. But I do feel sorry for a heart-broken mother.On 2 November 1944 in a lighthearted moment, Eisenhower writes, in part: Bing Crosby apparently said something on the radio about my liking hominy grits. Now, I’m being swamped with them …On 13 December 1944, Eisenhower discusses Mamie’s holiday travel plans. He writes, in part: A teletype today says that you may change your mind about going to Boone and will go to see John instead. I know you’d like to be both places – and all of them would like to have you, as I would!! How I hope this is the final Christmas I ever have to spend outside our home.A letter of 31 October 1945 constitutes the last letter to Mamie in the WWII series and in the present collection. Here Eisenhower is weary of reporting news and eager to get home stateside. He writes, in part: You complain about the dearth of news in my letters, but I don’t know what you’d consider as news. I try to tell you about such of our common friends that I encounter (for example, today I had lunch with Bedell Smith) but aside from that there seems little to tell. Sometimes I get discouraged trying to write – I never seem to please.Following this final WWII letter, Dwight D. Eisenhower returned to the US to continue his incredible legacy of accomplishment. Dwight and Mamie spent the rest of their days together, finally retiring to their Gettysburg farm after Eisenhower’s term as President ended in 1961. The love affair and marriage endured for more than half of a century until Dwight’s death in 1969. Mamie followed 10 years later in 1979. The letters in this collection offer a rare and personal look into the strengths and tenderness of a career soldier and future President of the United States.

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Franklin, Benjamin. Letter signed

Lot 19: Franklin, Benjamin. Letter signed

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Description: Franklin, Benjamin. Letter signed (“B Franklin”), 3 pages, (9 x 7.25 in.; 229 x 184 mm.), Passy [France], 13 September 1781, to his son-in-law, Richard Bache, Esquire.υBenjamin Franklin writes to his son-in-law about justice, betrayal by a friend and offers advice on his grandson’s education.Franklin writes in full: I received yours of June 20. It gave me great Pleasure, as it inform’d me of the Welfare of yourself and the dear Family. I am glad Ben’s Profile got safe to hand. I assure you it is very like him. He is well. I have read Mr. Wharton’s Pamphlet. The Facts, as far as I know them, are as he states them. Justice, is, I think, on the Side of those who contracted for the Lands; But moral and political Right sometimes differ; and sometimes are both subdued by might.I received and thank you for several copies of the Indian Spelling Book. I received also the German and English news papers. The Newton Pippin Grafts will be very welcome. As will some of the apples, and a few of your white walnuts & chestnuts. Among my Papers in the Trunk which I unhappily left in the care of Mr. Galloway, were eight or ten quire or 2 quire Books of rough Drafts of my Letters, containing all my Correspondence when in England, for near twenty years. I shall be very sorry if they too are lost. Don’t you think it possible, by going up into that country and enquiring Δamong a little among the Neighbors, you might possibly hear of and recover some of them. I should not have left them in his Hands, if he had not deceived me, by saying, ‘that tho’ he was before otherwise inclined, yet that since the King had declared us out of his Protection, & the Parliament by an Act, had made our Properties Plunder, he would go as far in Defence of his Country as any Man; and accordingly he had lately with pleasure given Colours to a Regiment of militia & an Entertainment to 400 of them before his House.’ I thought he was become a staunch Friend to the glorious cause. I was mistaken. As he was a Friend of my Son’s, to whom in my Will I had left all my Books and Papers, I made him one of my Executors, and put the Trunk of Papers into his Hands imagining them safer in his House (which was out of the way of any probable march of the Enemies Troops) than in my own. It was very unlucky.I should be happy to see William. But I think a foreign Education for one of your Sons, sufficient. Give William at my expence the best our Country can afford. I wish him however to learn French. You have at present Schools & Masters that teach it. Besides the usual things, let him acquire a little mathematics, and a perfect knowledge of Accounts. With this he will be able to bustle and make his way.My Love to Sally & the Children. I shall soon write to all my Friends. At present I am pinch ‘d in time, and can only add that I am ever Your affectionate Father, B. Franklin Joseph Galloway had served in the first Continental Congress during which he had proposed a joint American and British legislature, equal in power and loyal to the King. When rejected, he declined election to the Second Continental Congress and, in 1776, joined General Howe and accompanied him for the capture of Philadelphia. In 1778, he fled to England and became a spokesman for American Loyalists. In 1793 he petitioned to return to Pennsylvania, but his request was refused.

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Garfield, James. Autograph letter signed

Lot 20: Garfield, James. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Garfield, James. Autograph letter signed (“James”), 5 pages, (8 x 4.87 in.; 203 x 124 mm.), North Pownal, Vermont, 21 December 1854, to: “Dear Wallace”, with transmittal envelope addressed to: “Mr. W. J. Ford Aurora Portage Co., Ohio,” a good friend from his Hirim Eclectic Institute days. The 23-year-old future President, like many young men, ponders his destiny. Garfield writes in full: Dear Wallace: Your welcome letter was duly received, and now that the labors of the College term are over, & I am away from the busy bustle of a student’s life, I will respond. I came to this little village among the Green Mountains by invitation, to lecture before an Academy here, & since that time I have organized a class in penmanship of about 30, and am now holding evening schools and spending my daytime in study in German, reading & writing. Please don’t judge my penmanship by this letter, for I do not take much pains in writing letters. We had a very pleasant and profitable session, and have yet fully initiated into the duties and mysteries of College life.But Charles just passed through this place on his way to Esperance, N. Y. to spend Christmas with his Dutch cousins there. He will then return to Williamstown and spend the remainder of the vacation. I have several calls to teach penmanship in other places when I am done here, and I intend to spend all the vacation at it. I am glad you are so pleasantly situated after the many dark and perilous scenes through which you have passed, and I believe that you can be an instrument of great good by your words, deeds and money — ‘Riches’ are condemned by many religionists, but I would that every Christian were a rich man. Honestly, acquired riches, without avarice, are a means of great good. My path of life still seems, as it has ever been, marked along the rugged hillside, and presents more thorns than flowers — but I have learned, as Longfellow tells us, to ‘look not mournfully to the Past, do the work of the Present, and trust God for the Future.’ I very much desire to be among our Dear Brethren again. A Disciple at Williams College is a Theological Curiosity — But I hope to tell some of them a few things before I leave them. I had the pleasure of reading an essay on the ‘Evidence of the Sinner’s Pardon’ before the Theological Society a few weeks ago, and I want very much to get Bro [Alexander] Campbell’s works into their Library. If then they would be read, and would sow much good seed. I think our Brethren could not invest $ 30 or $ 40 to better advantage. I wish they would do it. I was amused at your account of Miss Ford and Prof Hull — & yet it is not wonderful that a Hull should find the stream not Ford-able! In regard to my ‘A.M.’ I believe it is the custom in the West, not to confer it till a man has been five years a Bachelor — So you see I’ll be nearly out of the market by that time. Is the report true that that ‘Lute String’ is soon to be keyed to another tune? What, pray tell, is the name of the happy minstrel? Give my love to her — and all who remember me there. Direct as before to Williamstown — and let me hear from you soon. As ever Your brother in the Lord James — This early letter was written while a student at Williams College. He entered the school in September 1854, and was to graduate 30 July 1856 with highest honors in his class. He had already attended Hiram Eclectic Institute — now Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio for three years. A devotedly religious man, he preached briefly at Franklin Circle Christian Church (1857–58). He continued to teach until studying law and passing the bar just before the start of the Civil War. At the time of the present letter, however, he was just another bright young man pondering his destiny.

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Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter signed

Lot 21: Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter signed (incomplete, missing first page), 3 full pages, (12.75 x 8 in.; 324 x 203 mm.), [Philadelphia, January 16, 1792], to his wife.An extraordinary letter about George Washington: “I seriously think we never shall have so good a president in after this, altho I do not admit him to be infallible ...”Gerry writes in part: General Knox wishing to see me desired by a messenger I would call on him as I went to Congress; & being informed of my indisposition & that it prevented a compliance with his request, he called on me, recognized his obligations for bringing him on to his present office & entered into a confidential conversation respecting the justice policy & military operations of the present war & the clamor against it — it was a subject I well understood & I stated to him my ideas of the causes, justice & necessity of the war, of the wise conduct of the president in every respect, of the judicious measures of the War department & of the errors thereof & of the misfortunes & defects of the military operations. I was also explicit in my ideas of what ought to be done as well to satisfy the public mind & give it a just idea of measures, as for the further prosecution & termination of the war. he listened with evident mark of great satisfaction & expressed a reliance in me to support the execution by bringing forward motions adapted to this purpose. I am happy it is in my power to do it on principles of honor; for I never will submit to the prostituted office of varnishing the fault or follies of any man however exalted powerful or popular. but it is remarkable that General Knox should place this confidence in me solely, which he declared was the case, there not being another member of either house, as he said to whom he had thus committed himself, seeing that when the constitution was put into administration every one was emulating to offer income to the President, & I was of the very few to oppose the torrent of giving up all political authority into his hands, then indeed, offices were to be conferred, now they are conferred, & the most violent friends of the President are become cool from the want of a prospect of personal reward. My determination is now as it was then to support the executive in the due discharge of his duty, & I am well disposed to keep this resolution, because I seriously think we never shall have so good a president in after this, altho I do not admit him to be infallible Mr Lowell called on me this morning, by whom I learned that Miss Lowells foot is better & Mrs Lowell is well. he enquired for you & was happy to hear of your situation.Stocks continue to rise six per cent cash 24/9 at 60 days 25/4 3 p Cent 15/3% & deferred cash 15/11% I fancy the two last must be at 60 days also - they were 14/6 & 14/11% cash. half shares 120% & 62 which is 441 Dollars for 200. whole shares payable in Jany next & deleverable at ye same time -80 p Cent to 82% or 720 to 730 Dollars for 400. Duer has purchased as I am informed 500 shares paya & deleverable in Jany next at 87% p Cent which is 750 dollars a share. there is a wager by which if they rise 100 dollars a sharehe will make 50000 dollars & if they fall the sum he will loose as much. I cannot think it justifiable however for any person to run the risk of ruining his family at one stroke, for any chimerical prospects of a gain, for of the person of whom he purchases cannot punish the slaves or pay the difference, he runs a risk of loosing with out the chance of gaining. I prefer moving more slowly & sure. General Knox has the same idea of Governour Morris as myself. he disgusted Mr Pitt & the other british ministers to that degree that they think him a monster : & I believe the french administration will not think better of him .Miss Alexander gave me an a dance at which is curious. some french ladies wanted to dance a cotillon & Miss Morris was with them : but was ordered by Mrs Morris to sit down. in consequence of this Mrs Bingham took her place & a french gentleman took ye Violin & played for them after this Miss Morris rose, but the violin was returned to the musician, the French ladies & gentlemen being much offendedkiss my darling little daughter for pappa little saucy Ann as well as the rest & be assured I remain my dearest love your sincere & truly affectionate E GerryGeneral Henry Knox was a prominent member of the Society of Cincinnati and a strong supporter of the establishment of a national militia. His contemporaries said that Washington talked with him “as a man does with his wife.” In spite of all this, he was also a friend of Elbridge Gerry, who otherwise tended to distrust the President and the generals who stood behind him. Knox and Gerry had been friends for some time; and in many ways their friendship had transcended politics. Putting his fears of a standing army and a too powerful executive aside, Gerry could at times agree with the administration’s course. Such was the case with the Indian wars. Some time before this letter was written, Congress had learned of the disastrous St. Clair expedition, in which 500 United States officers and men (including General Butler) were surprised and killed by the Indians at Miami Village. As Secretary of War, General Knox had been ordered to investigate the matter; but Congress, having heard his report, was highly critical of his decisions. Gerry, as this letter indicates, was one of Knox’s supporters. Knox was absolved of all blame in May, when the House accepted his explanation that delays, the lateness of the season and inexperience amongst the troops had led to defeat.

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Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter

Lot 22: Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter

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Description: Gerry, Elbridge. Autograph letter, 1 page, (7.87 x 4.87 in.; 200 x 124 mm.), [Washington, 18 July 1813], to his grandson, James Ivers Gerry, Cambridge; with integral address leaf attached; browned with paper loss on integral blank; remnants of mounting on integral address page.Gerry writes a charming letter to his grandson from the nation’s capitol.The elder Gerry writes in full:Grand pappa is at Washington, & hears by letters almost every day, how well his dear little Ivers behaves: and Grand Pappa loves him, & his little brother, dearly. Kiss dear Grandmama, mama, Aunts, & Gerry for Grand Pappa; & tell them, Grand Pappa is coming home soon: and they must all kiss you for me.

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Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed

Lot 23: Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed (“Paul”), 5 pages, (6.37 x 5.12 in.; 162 x 130 mm.), New York, 19 August 1933, to his mother in Los Angeles, on imprinted stationery of the Plaza, New York; with transmittal envelope.40-year-old magnate J.P. Getty sends an emotional plea to his mother, “Why don’t you ever write me?”Getty writes in full: Dearest Mama, Why don’t you ever write me? I haven’t heard from you for over a month. I am enclosing a letter which Williams wrote me. I want you to see how well he thinks you look. Last Saturday I spent the week end in Long Island at the house guest of Mrs de Brabant at her place “Plaisance.” She has one of the loveliest country homes in Long Island and I enjoyed the opportunity of being in such a home. Ple has 100 acres in grounds and keeps a small army of servants. She is the daughter of Senator Clark, the copper man. There were about a dozen guests at her place for the weekend. Sunday we went swimming at her private beach and then went for a ride on her yacht. Her estate adjoins the estate of W.K. Vanderbilt and is just as fine. I left for New York Monday after lunch having had a most enjoyable weekend. I have so much business in New York it is difficult for me to get away to come to L.A. I am active in the directorate of the Tidewater Associated, also the Petroleum Corporation. We have a great deal of money invested in there [sic] two companies – about $3,000,000 – and somebody must look after it. I am glad to say that the interest we paid $3,000,000 for is now worth double what we paid giving us a big profit should we sell. However I do not recommend selling – even to take a profit of three million. I am hoping you will take a boat trip to Florida this winter where we can be together. I am sure the climate will be much better for you than the winter climate of California, and the trip and the change of air will do you good. Lovingly, Paul.

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Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed

Lot 24: Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Getty, Jean Paul. Autograph letter signed (“JPG”), 8 pages, (8.25 x 5.87 in.; 210 x 149 mm.), Dusseldorf, Germany, 24 April and 5 May 1953, to Arthur Andersen & Co. in Los Angeles, on imprinted stationery of the Hotel Breidenbacherhof.J.P. Getty laments over his lack of financial privacy and the incompetency of his accountants at Arthur Andersen & Co.: “I consider that I am living and have lived for years in a financial gold fish bowl and have had no financial privacy except for insignificant amounts of pocket cash. And you, so to speak, have had the bowl in front of you for the last 12 years.”Getty writes in full: I have received your recent letter. I am not pleased, naturally, with the apparently erroneous preparation by you of my tax returns but I am sure you acted in entire good faith. I do expect, however, a ready recognition by you of the facts of the matter which are as follows. For the last ten or twelve years you have known more about my financial affairs and family and legal responsibilities than I know myself. With the exception of insignificant amounts of my pocket money you know every dollar I spent and what I spent it for. You know all about my children and my ex-wives and my present wife. You know all about my various agreements with them. It is news to me that you are not auditing the Sarah C. Getty trust of 1934. Your orders were to audit all my affairs. Fero Williams couldn’t very well audit his own work. In any event you knew all about the 1934 trust and its operations. You knew that the trust was currently distributing all income to the beneficiaries and had done so since Dockweiler became trustee in 1941. You knew who were the beneficiaries of the 1934 trust and how much each got each year. You knew that I wasn’t personally paying Ann anything for the support of Paul & Gordon and that she was supporting them from trust income. You knew that Timmy’s ... was bought & maintained by trust income.In this connection I would like to know if there is anything else in my affairs other than the 1934 trust that you are not auditing. I consider that I am living and have lived for years in a financial gold fish bowl and have had no financial privacy except for insignificant amounts of pocket cash. And you, so to speak, have had the bowl in front of you for the last 12 years. As a consequence of these facts I expect you to take full responsibility morally for any erroneous tax returns of mine and for any failure to disclose everything necessary in the returns. I expect you to acknowledge that you always had the fullest information about all my affairs and that your only instructions from me as to the preparation and filing of my tax returns were to be sure that the returns were properly prepared and that the government got all the tax that was due and that if certain items were questionable or controversial to give the government the benefit of the doubt as I didn’t want any controversy with them. Dave, you doubtless have my letter in pencil where I asked your opinion about admitting any error in past returns. Ask Tom if he visualized that his policy of distributing all income to the beneficiaries might subject me personally to...and unwarranted taxes. Dave, I think you should write a letter for me to sign & send to AA covering some of the points in this letter but more particularly the points raised in theirs. I refer to AA’s letter of April 8 to me.After signing the letter with his initials, Getty continues writing: In reading AA’s letter of April 8 I disagree with the wording of I. I think that the state law obligation doesn’t apply if a father has the mother’s agreement that she will not ask him for support and she in fact supports the child. The state law would only apply if and when the children didn’t get support. There are hundreds of cases of wealthy mothers supporting the children without aid from the father. I dont agree with 2nd par. of I. I say-only to extent, if any, that I am legally obligated. It is well established that a father is not liable for unreasonable support. Doesn’t the 1934 trust allow support of the beneficiaries the same as the testamentary trusts or Geo’s trust? What is the difference between the trustee of Geo’s trust paying for his support & the 1934 trust? When I speak of Geo’s trust I mean my fathers trust for him.I don’t understand the 1st paragraph of I. Why should it make any difference whether the support comes from the trustee or the guardian? P. 7 note that AA handled my returns from the 1937 return to date. They don’t state specifically that the change in 1943-44 was their idea and not mine. They certainly had all the information in 1943. They had just had a long session with the bureau over the returns for 37, 18, 19, 40, & this very point was raised, i.e. use of trust funds to support the children. Mel Wilson, Dockweiler & AA all were working on it.Maybe AA didn’t know that the guardians were using the funds for support but they might have guessed it since they did that I personally wasn’t contributing and they did know that the Bureau or the agent questioned use of trust funds by the trustee for support. For the years 37, 38, 39. In past years AA used to have their own lawyer & he worked on my returns. Now they say they are accountants and aren’t supposed to know the law. As to Peeler maybe he knew nothing from nothing but I was dealing with Miller & Chen, & Mel Wilson knew. I remember discussing the problems of my 37, 38, 39 returns with you when in Mexico in ‘41. It is plain that AA acting in good faith but perhaps under an erroneous idea of the law -but not of the facts -initiated the whole thing on their own responsibility but they don’t come right out and say so. It was chicken feed to me and I didn’t care whether I paid Ann the $500 monthly or not. I wanted to pay whatever I was supposed to pay legally and to pay my taxes without raising controversial issues. This was my attitude in 1940 and ever since and before.In a postscript written in the top margin of the first page, Getty has added, “Dave, read & return with your comments. I ask you to send this to A.A. or something better in reply to theirs of April 8 of which you have a copy. I May 5. see end.”A fascinating letter revealing Getty’s great annoyance with the errors of his accountants.

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Grant, Ulysses S. Autograph letter signed

Lot 25: Grant, Ulysses S. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Grant, Ulysses S. Autograph letter signed (“U.S. Grant”), 4 pages, (8.12 x 5.12 in.; 206 x 130 mm.), City Point, Virginia, 6 November 1864, on imprinted stationery of the Head-Quarters Armies of the United States, to E. Morris.Grant comments on his skills as a commander: “I am not vain enough to suppose that another might not command these Armies as well as myself but bringing in a commander suddenly upon an immergency [sic] he might not do as well as he would after commanding for some time ...”Grant writes in full: Your two letters informing me of the condition of my children and the attention they are receiving, in the absence of their mother, were duly received. I feel very greatful [sic]to you for the trouble you took in accompanying Mrs. Grant as far as Phila[delphia] on her way West and for your subsequent kindness in looking after my family and informing me. I have received but one letter from Mrs. G. since she reached Mo. She found her father much improved and in a fair way of recovery. She probably left St Louis this evening on her return home. All the letters I have written her since the receipt of your first have been directed to St. Louis. As I am not now writing to her, and may not until I hear again from her, may I tax your kindness further by asking you to inform her, on arrival in Burlington, that I am well and think it probable I may be able to spend next Sunday at home. I do not want this fact known to any one but yourself and Mrs. Grant. Our papers are received by the enemy as early as by ourselves and learning that I was to be absent in advance they might prepare for some annoyance. I am not vain enough to suppose that another might not command these Armies as well as myself but bringing in a commander suddenly upon an immergency [sic] he might not do as well as he would after commanding for some time ...At the time of the present letter, Grant was in the midst of his costly campaign of attrition, accompanying Meade’s Army of the Potomac and directing the relentless pounding of Lee’s army. He sapped, mined, assaulted and cut Lee’s avenues of supply and sent out flanking expeditions far to the west. In this long siege, the Confederate commander, having the advantage of interior lines, was able to meet every attack that Grant made with a force large enough to stop it. Yet, the siege took its toll, leaving Lee’s heroic army starving in the trenches and desperately in need of transportation.

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Greene, Nathanael. Autograph letter signed

Lot 26: Greene, Nathanael. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Greene, Nathanael. Autograph letter signed (“Nath Greene”), 2 pages, (13.5 x 8.12 in.; 343 x 206 mm.), New Windsor, 7 July 1779, to Colonel Hayne; some fraying, paper losses affecting text.Greene declines a request for more rum from a group of blacksmiths. Greene writes in full: I have your favor of the 4th upon the subject of the Smiths being allowed half a pint a rum a day. I cannot think an alteration is worth attempting for the little advantages that will result from the extraordinary exertion of a particular party of Smiths. The regulation is now generally gone into; and all the artificers seem to be in a great degree content with their allowance. To give a standing order for the benefit of one particular company will derange the whole and bring on innumerable complaints. For every Artificer supposes his business the hardest, or at least they affect to say is; and are clamorous if any one party have a preference.I spoke to the foreman of the Smiths and told him the difficulty of complying with his request. He seemed to be satisfied with the answer, and only said that more help would be necessary to get through the business. I told him I did not wish him to injure the health of the people. It could not last long to lay a heavy burden on them than they could bear. This would injure the public; therefore it was the best made to accommodate the service to the abilities of the men.There is a much larger party of Smiths at Danbury than can be possibly be wanted there. Mr. Hubbard when he left here was to call upon you and see how many you wanted and to detach accordingly.If a special order to the commissary for an extraordinary allowance of rum is necessary, I will furnish, but I conceive you fully authorised to give such an order from the former letter I wrote you on this subject at Fredricksburg. But I cannot give a standing order without introducing more mischief than there can possibly result injury from the refusal ....An important letter clearly demonstrating Green’s fine leadership and balanced judgement in declining a request for more rum from a group of skilled workers so as not to ruffle the feathers of other groups.

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Hamilton, Alexander. Autograph letter signed

Lot 27: Hamilton, Alexander. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Hamilton, Alexander. Autograph letter signed, (“A Hamilton”), 1 page, (13 x 8.75 in.; 330 x 222 mm.), 20 August 1787, to Jeremiah Wadsworth in Connecticut; browning, fading and spotting; repaired.I am at a loss clearly to understand its object-and have some suspicion that it has been fabricated to excite jealousies against the Convention with a view to an opposition to their recommendations. Hamilton writes in full: The enclosed is said to be the copy of a letter circulating in your State. The history of the appearance among us is that it was sent by one Whitmore of Stratford, formerly in the Pay Master General’s office to a James Reynolds of this City. I am at a loss clearly to understand its object-and have some suspicion that it has been fabricated to excite jealousies against the Convention with a view to an opposition to their recommendations. At all events, I wish if possible to trace its source and send it to you for that purpose. Whitmore must of course say where he got it and by possessing the information we may at last come at the author. Let me know the political ambitions of the man and the complexion of the people most active in the circulation of the letter. Be so good as to attend to this inquiry somewhat particularly, as I have different reasons of some moment for setting it on foot.Hamilton’s letter about “an opposition” to the Convention was written at a most significant period in his life and in American history. The “Convention” he discusses is the Constitutional Convention that drew up the Constitution of the United States, one of the most influential documents in the history of the Western world. It took place at the Pennsylvania State House in Philadelphia from 25 May to 17 September 1787 under the pretext of amending the Articles of Confederation, and with the result of drawing up a new scheme of government, signed the following year, after much division and opposing views were settled by compromise. Hamilton drew up the draft of the address to the states from which emerged the Constitutional Convention. After persuading New York to send a delegation, Hamilton obtained a place for himself on the delegation. He went to Philadelphia as an uncompromising nationalist who wished to replace the Articles of Confederation with a strong centralized government. He served on two important committees, one on rules in the beginning of the convention and the other on style at the end of the convention. In a long speech on 18 June, he presented his own·idea of what the national government should be: a government of three departments — legislative, executive and judicial. Alas, Hamilton’s plan had little impact on the convention. The delegates went ahead to frame a constitution that, while it gave strong power to a federal government, stood some chance of being accepted by the people. Since the other two delegates from New York, who were strong opponents of a federal constitution, had withdrawn from the convention, New York was not officially represented, and Hamilton had no power to sign for his state. Nonetheless, even though he knew that his state wished to go no further than a revision of the Articles of Confederation, he signed the new constitution as an individual.The opposition in New York quickly attacked the Constitution, and Hamilton wrote his responses in the newspapers, signed “Caesar.” The Caesar letters, however, did not move the public, so using another classical pseudonym, Publius, Hamilton, along with two collaborators, James Madison, the delegate from Virginia, and John Jay, the secretary of foreign affairs, wrote The Federalist, a series of 85 essays that appeared in newspapers between October 1787 and May 1788, in defense of the Constitution and republican government. He wrote at least two-thirds of these influential essays, which were widely read and became one of the classics of political literature and helped shape American political institutions.

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Hamilton, Alexander. Circular letter signed as Secretary of the Treasury

Lot 28: Hamilton, Alexander. Circular letter signed as Secretary of the Treasury

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Description: Hamilton, Alexander. Circular letter signed as Secretary of the Treasury, 3 pages, (10 x 8.25 in.; 254 x 210 mm.), Treasury Department, 23 September 1790; some browning along vertical fold.Washington’s Secretary of the Treasury writes a detailed circular to his customs collectors. Hamilton writes in full: Some very important objects in the business of the next sessions of the Legislature will render the early transmission of the several quarterly returns and accounts that will be due the 30υth instant indispensibly necessary. The early reciet of there papers is not only requisite for some extraordinary purposes of this department but information drawn from them will be particularly desired by several members of the Legislature. From the omission of returns from some of the Custom Houses, when no imports or exports have taken place, and no import or tonnage have accrued; I find it necessary to request, that all the returns may be regularly made at the periods fixed for them respectively. If no [business?] of the kind intended to be stated in any one of them should have been done, it is never the less absolutely necessary that a return be made for the purpose of being filed in this Office. Without the the [sic] regular receit [sic] of these papers, periodically made up, no reliance can be placed on Statements of this Office, relating to the business of the Custom House; and they should be made agreeably to the forms transmitted by the Comptroller, including the value of exports, which has been in some instances omitted. For the convenience of filing separately, I request that the copies of endorsements of Registers and the returns of figures be made in future on pieces of paper separate from your letters and unconnected with any other matter. I also wish that your papers may be folded of the breadth of the inner sheet of this letter in its folded state and that they may be indorsed by you, according to their Contents; before transmission to me. Relying on particular attention to the several points noticed in this letter, I am, with respect, Sir Your Obedυt. Servant Alexander HamiltonA circular letter, in a fine cursive hand, showing the attention to detail the first Secretary of the Treasury brought to the fledgling Treasury Department.

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Hancock, John. Letter signed

Lot 29: Hancock, John. Letter signed

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Description: Hancock, John. Letter signed, 1 page, (9.12 x 7.37 in.; 232 x 187 mm.), Boston, 14 January 1765, to Godfrey Malbone, Esquire at Newport, Rhode Island, with integral address leaf; browning and some spotting.John Hancock bluntly states he is not interested in the purchase of any landed estate and needs to raise money for his debts.Hancock writes in full: Sir, I received your favour of the 10υth instant in the post and note the contents, as to a purchase of any landed estate it would no way suit me, what little I have in lands I want to dispose of, that I must repeat my desires to you to make me a payment as soon as possible at least of the whole interest including all but the original bond, and that as quick as you can, for I cannot do without it, being in great want of the money, having many legacies to pay and depend upon raising money out of the debts to answer them, I must beg you to take it under consideration, and make me a remittance as soon as possible a good sterling bill would answer but I should preferr [sic] the cash. I hope you will please to let me hear from you on this subject more to satisfaction than your last. An interesting early letter by Hancock, revealing his tight economic situation just as he emerged as a leading political figure in Boston as tensions with Great Britain were increasing.

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Hancock, John. Letter signed as President of the Continental Congress

Lot 30: Hancock, John. Letter signed as President of the Continental Congress

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Description: Hancock, John. Letter signed as President of the Continental Congress, 2 pages, (12.75 x 7.62 in.; 324 x 194 mm.), Philadelphia, 5 September 1777, to: “His Excellency Gov· [William] Livingston” - William Livingston (1723-1790); a 1 x 3 in. rectangular portion of the letter (at the lower left hand corner of the first page) is entirely missing, making the text not entirely legible; separations at the horizontal folds.John Hancock, the President of the Continental Congress, praises the militia of the state of New Jersey for its defense of the colony against the British, then orders them into the field under the command of Major General Philemon Dickinson.Hancock writes in full: Sir, In the present Exigency of public Affairs, the Congress have come to the enclosed Resolve, which I have the Honour to transmit — and which I am to request you will comply with as soon as possible. The Militia of the State of New Jersey, by their late Conduct against our cruel Enemies, have distinguished themselves in a Manner that does them the greatest Honour; and I am persuaded, they will continue to merit on all Occasions, when called upon, the [repu]tation they have so justly acquired. Those [of us in] the Congress now request you will order —­ to their Desire you will order to — at Bristol. It will be highly agreeable to Congress to give the Command to Genυl. [Philemon] Dickinson, should the appointment fall in with your Judgment and I have Reason to believe he will chearfally [sic] accept of it, if you should think proper to put them under his direction. The New Jersey Militia and the Philadelphia Campaign (June-December, 1777). New Jersey is commonly known as the “cockpit” of the American Revolution. Armies marched back and forth through its territory throughout the war; Commander-in-Chief George Washington fought several major battles in the state: Trenton (26 December 1776), Princeton (3 January 1777) and Monmouth (28 June 1778). On 19 October 1775, Philemon Dickinson (1739-1809) was named Brigadier General of the state’s militia. While Washington occupied Morristown , New Jersey, Dickinson led one of the raids that seriously jeopardized British attempts to get provisions. During the raid, Dickinson marched 400 untrained troops through a waist-deep river to surprise and defeat a large foraging party near Somerset Court House (Millstone), New Jersey (20-22 January 1777). After the raid, Dickinson resigned his commission as militia Brigadier General (15 February 1777), then was named Major General and Commander-in-Chief of the New Jersey Militia (6 June 1777), a post he retained until the end of the war. During the Philadelphia Campaign (June - December 1777), he and Colonel David Forman, the commander of one of 16 Continental regiments “at large” were in the field with militia detachments, though he did not join Washington’s command for the Battle of Germantown (4 October 1777).

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Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed

Lot 31: Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed (“P. Henry”), 2 pages, (7.5 x 6.25 in.; 191 x 159 mm.), 13 December 1784, to Colonel Joseph Martin; silked with integral address leaf attached.Patrick Henry outlines his policy toward the Indians. Writing two weeks after his term as governor of Virginia began, Henry writes in full: I am obliged to you for the Intelligence contained in yours, & shall lay it before the Council, or the substance of it. I expect the first Business I shall do will be to order proper measures with respect to Indian affairs. I desire that the Indians may know that Virginia will act towards them as Friends & discourage every Violence offered them in their Persons or Lands.I shall take it as a favor done me if you will try to get from Ja[me]s Parberry the Land he owes me. As I am going down to live I shall have no opportunity to get the Affair settled with him. I must therefore entreat that you will exert yourself to get from him what you think worth 500£ in 1780 or 81 without regard to the Rise since then, for that is our agreement. I oblige myself to stand to any Bargain you make with him, & you were the man I first picked upon to value the Land. Perhaps I may be in Danger of loosing the Debt altogether if you don’t assist me in getting it. I sen[t] a Letter to Mr. Parberry desiring him to settle it with you & assign to you such Lands as will come to the money or otherwise satisfy you in my Behalf -- I shall be glad to receive a Line from you on this subject .... In a postscript, Henry has written: The Lands Parberry was to let me have were to lay in Powells Valley, but pray take Kentucky Land or any other you can get at the Rate you think proper, as they can be got. I was not to allow anything for the Rise, but the Lands were to be valued as they were worth in 1780 or 1781.Henry was elected Governor of Virginia in 1784 and served until 1786. In this letter, he writes that his state will act friendly and discourage violent encounters with the Indians. The letter is written to Col. Joseph Martin, who is credited with averting Indian attacks on the Scotch-Irish American and English-American settlers. In 1777, Henry appointed him Virginia’s agent to the Cherokees.

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Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed

Lot 32: Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Henry, Patrick. Autograph letter signed (“P. Henry”), 1 page, (8.25 x 6.62 in.; 210 x 168 mm.), Red Hill [Virginia],14 March 1796, to an unidentified correspondent; some browning, chipping and minor paper loss where horizontal and vertical folds intersect. Henry regarding the sale of his plantation, Red Hill.Henry writes in full: I am surprized to hear by Mr. Hodges that Col. Worthin did not go to yυr Houses yester Day He promised to deliver a Letter from me to you begging you to come down here Tuesday – He is willing to allow me 14.000£ for this place & L. Island & I want much to consult you about – laying out the Money on or convenient to James River – I cannot take Mr. H’s offer of 500£ for half my 1500 acres in Kentucky… Alas, the sale of Red Hill Plantation did not occur. After a vibrant and memorable political career, one of America’s most famed leaders treasured his quaint home on the outskirts of Brookneal, Virginia, in Charlotte County. Residing at Red Hill Plantation for his final days, Henry is buried in the Cemetery that lies on the property.Provenance: Estelle Doheny (Christie’s New York, 21 February 1989, lot 2011).

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Houston, Sam. Autograph letter signed

Lot 33: Houston, Sam. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Houston, Sam. Autograph letter signed, 1 page, (9.62 x 7.62 in.; 244 x 194 mm.), New Haven, Connecticut, 20 February 1855, to Texas Senator Thomas J. Rusk, with integral docketed leaf attached.Before making a speech before the Anti-Slavery Society, Houston is warned that he is making a mistake by his friend. Houston writes in full: Your note was handed to me as I got in the car at New York, and read on my way here. It might have had some might with me if I had received it with the note accompanying it, but it came too late. I appreciate your advice as well as that of our friend Burke, but I must go on. Under like circumstances Gen. Jackson would have done so. To be honest and fear not is the right path. I would not conceal an honest opinion for the Presidency. If I were, I could not enjoy the office, and worse than that I should blame myself. I know well it is a risk, but it is for the harmony of the Union, if perchance I may benefit it.After Houston announced his candidacy for President of the United States on the Know Nothing Party ticket, his campaigning took him to Boston to make a Washington’s Birthday speech before the Anti­ Slavery Society. His friends tried to warn him that he was making a mistake and handed him a note as he boarded the New York train for Boston. This letter was his reply.

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Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

Lot 34: Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed, 3 full pages, (12.12 x 7.87 in.; 308 x 200 mm.), Hermitage, 20 October 1819, to Jos[seph] McMinn, the governor of Tennessee, in Murfeesboro; stained, soiled and repaired.The beginnings of Jackson’s removal policy of the American Indian: it is certainly to the interest of the U[nited] States, as well as the individual states, to have the whole cherokees embodied together west of the M[ississippi] river. Jackson writes in part: I have rec[eived]d your letter of the 16th Instant, and regret with you that we had not met again in Nashville on the day on which I had the pleasure of seeing you, I waited at the Inn untill an imperious engagement compelled me to leave there. I should have with pleasure given you my Ideas on the Subject of the Ark[ans]aw delegation. I have not the...treaty made with the Cherokees at the city of Washington, but from recollection as well as what is said in your letter I think [i]t is provided , that in case the Arkansaw Cherokees are not satisfied with the division of their annuity, then that Justice may be done, the census is to be taken, and the annuities divided agreeable to their respective numbers. It is right, as they complain of injustice being done, that the census should be taken. If their report to Washington is necessary to obtain this they ought to go on. The Govt. would scarcely complain of the expence of their Vissit when others yielded to the expence of so many from the cherokees here.I have no doubt but their going on would have a good effect, if there is any person with them that is capable of explaining their case fully, it is certainly to the interest of the U[nited] States, as well as the individual states, to have the whole cherokees embodied together west of the M[ississippi] river. At present the[y] are double the expence to the government that they would be united. On the subject of advances to them to enable them to go on, I have to observe, that it would be hazarding the amount, for the appropriations made by last Congress has been exhausted and it is probable were you to make it, there might be some difficulty with the Dept. of War to allow it. Justice would say that the necessary funds to enable the Arkansas delegation to go on, ought to be allowed, but we live in a day, when policy sometimes outstrips Justice. That [some] good might result from this Delegation going on I have no doubt — but my Dear S[i]r I have not the funds to spare out of my own pockets to furnish them ­— and that difficulties might arise with the Sec of War, in allowing it. I have a right to infer, from a recent case that has come to my knowledge — and although, I am free to declare, that from the bounty bestowed on the late delegation from the cherokees, that Visited the city & made the last treaty, so injurious to the people of arkansaw, and to the interest of this & the State of Georgia, that I am of Opinion that they [sic] Arkansaw delegation ought to be furnished with the means to go on. Still unless you have positive instructions, on the funds of the U[nited] States in your hands, sufficient to furnish them with, I could not recommend you to make the advance [lest] it might be thrown upon you .... Major Wm. B. Lewis or some of my friends from Nashville will vissit you shortly by whom I will thank you to send the...Journals, and the original papers annexed to my report, (preserving a copy in your office) if the Legislature is done with them or if the Legislature should not have acted on the subject. Please to get Mr. Graham to copy the documents, certify them to be correct copies and enclose them to Colo[nel] B. Butler Nashville. I [mean] to annex the originals or a certified copy to my answer to the report of the [Senate] and wish them for this purpose. I regret extreme[ly] that I am compelled to set out for ... Florence tomorrow morning. I a[m com]pelled to be there on the 25 insta[nt; it] will prevent me from passing M[arl]borough. I did intend it, but ... informed that the Assembly has ... on the Seminole war & the ... business, I declare it untill...when if the Assembly is still in se[ssion] I shall wait upon & spend some days with them­­ — should it have adjourned I shall take the first opportunity in my power to see you ....As Major General of the U.S. Army, Jackson was, at this time, involved with the removal of the Indians west of the Mississippi River. Apparently, in 1808, the Cherokees had agreed to surrender territory on the east side of the Mississippi River in return for land in Arkansas. In subsequent years, several thousand Cherokees had moved to Arkansas but failed to cede a corresponding amount of land in the east. Jackson was now given the task of convincing the eastern Cherokees that they must provide compensatory cession. He was also authorized to grant additional lands to those eastern Cherokees who would remove to the Arkansas River. With these negotiations Jackson became [in 1817] directly involved for the first time in implementing a policy he would convince himself was the best, if not the only, policy for the government to pursue toward the Indians, namely, their removal west of the Mississippi, beyond the states and organized territories of the United States. Further, he insisted Congress had full authority to carry out this policy. The Cherokees contested the exchange, infuriating Jackson, who retaliated with threats. The Cherokees were justifiably frightened, and, in the end, ceded 2 million acres of land in Georgia, Alabama and Tennessee and received in return an equivalent amount of land on the west side of the Mississippi with the understanding that the United States reserved the right to build military roads and posts in the area if necessary.By the time Jackson had completed these negotiations, if not months earlier, he had worked out in his mind the principal parts of his removal policy, a policy he would officially institute after he became President. Jackson’s commitment to the principle of removal resulted primarily from his concern for the integrity and safety of the American nation. It was not greed or racism that motivated him. He was not intent on genocide. He was not involved in a gigantic land grab for the benefit of his Tennessee cronies, or anyone else for that matter. “After living with the Indian problem for many years and experienced any number of encounters with the various tribes, friendly and hostile, he came to the unshakable conclusion that the only policy that benefited both peoples, white and red, was removal. The extinction of the Indian, in his mind, was inevitable unless removal was officially adopted by the American government.” [Robert V. Remini, The Life of Andrew Jackson]

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Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

Lot 35: Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jackson, Andrew. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (10 x 7.75 in.; 254 x 197 mm.), Washington, 12 February 1824, to his son, with the integral address leaf attached; stained with repairs.Andrew Jackson (Old Hickory) gives guidance and advice to his son while he is away in Washington serving as Tennessee’s Senator.Jackson writes in full: I have received your letter of the 20th ult. and it gives me great pleasure to find you have been so punctual to my request. It is not only that it is gratifying to me to be informed of your mother’s health, and that of little Hutchings, Sycoya, and the rest of the family: but it will accustom you to letter writing and greatly improve your hand, but learn and accustom you to write with ease: I therefore request that you will continue to write me every Sabbath. I do excuse for the mistake you have made about the number of cotton bales; but this ought to make you more careful hereafter, always to examine for yourself, and be certain where you have a doubt as to any fact, to make inquiry of those who can give you correct information you must attend to this my son; for it is all important for a youth coming into life to establish a character for truth, so that when he relates anything, that all who hear will be certain that facts are as he relates them. I thank you my son for the information of your mother’s health, and that your cousin Mulberry is staying with her; present my respects to your cousin, and my thanks for her kindness to your mother by staying with her in my absence.My health is good, I have a little cough but I hope it will not trouble me long. I shall be at home, my son, as soon as I can; I am happy to hear that you are progressing so well in your education, and are so attentive to your mother, this is your duty, you cannot pay all the debt you owe her, by every attention you bestow upon her and I hope you will obey her in all things, do nothing to displease but in all things conduct yourself so that you will make her happy and contented, and by so doing you increase her love for you, obtain her blessing and the smiles of your heavenly Father who has enjoined our children to be obedient to their Parents. Tell my little Friend Hutchings I am happy to hear of his health and that he is learning well, present me affectionately to him and Syeoya, say to them both that I expect to find them much improved when I return. Present my respects to all my friends; Major Eaton and General Cole send theirs to you and your mother and to A.T. Hutchings. General Houston also, they are all well ....

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Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (

Lot 36: Jackson, Thomas Jonathan ("Stonewall"). Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (“Stonewall”). Autograph letter signed (“T J. Jackson, Brig”), 2 pages, (8.87 x 5.5 in.; 225 x 140 mm.), Winchester, 13 July 1861, to an unknown Colonel; traces of tape repair to horizontal fold; paper loss bottom left corner not affecting text. Just a week before the First Bull Run General “Stonewall” Jackson writes to a Colonel he wishes to have join his staff and expresses thanks over being given “such a choice brigade.”Jackson writes in full:Hd qs 1υst Brigade Winchester July 13υth, 1861.My dear ColonelYours of the 8υth is at hand and I have written to Governor Leteher as requested, and have also requested Major Harman to use his influence whilst in Richmond to have you ordered here. I am gratified to hear of your promotion and my gratification will be increased & through the blessing of Providence upon our united efforts we may be privileged to serve together during the remainder of the war. Massie’s place is supplied during his absence. But unless Col. Jones receives a commission he will soon leave me, and if so, I should like very much to have you in his place. At present all the Regts of my Brigade have their compliment of Field officers. But whether you enter the staff in Line, I know of no better place than this for preparation: as both are theoretically taught and practically applied. I would gladly assign you up here, to any vacancy that may occur on my staff, and if you will get here the probabilities are, that we will not be separated before the close of hostilities. I am thankful, & I hope very thankful to our kind Heavenly Father as he withholds no good thing from those who love him, for having given me such a choice brigade. Kindest regards to Marjorie & inquiring friends. Please let me hear from you unless you are ordered here forthwith. Your sincere friend T J. JacksonThe First Battle of Bull Run (First Manassas) was fought on July 21, 1861, about seven miles southwest of Centreville, Virginia (a quiet town just 27 miles from Washington) near a stone bridge that crossed Bull Run. The Union army assumed the battle was going to be an easy victory. They were wrong. An apparent Southern rout was turned into a resounding defeat of Union forces under General Irvin McDowell. His generals included Robert O. Tyler, David Hunter and S. P. Heintzelman. Subordinate officers included Ambrose E. Burnside and William Tecumseh Sherman. Opposite McDowell was a Confederate army under Brigadier General Pierre Beauregard, who, three months earlier, had won the homage of the South by reducing Fort Sumter. Beauregard’s generals included General Joseph E. Johnston, James Longstreet and Thomas J. Jackson, who was to earn his nickname “Stonewall” at the skirmish. The battle led vast numbers of Southerners to believe that the war was over and the South had won. Many soldiers went home harboring this belief. For the North, the battle taught them an important lesson: the battle was not over.

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Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (

Lot 37: Jackson, Thomas Jonathan ("Stonewall"). Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (“Stonewall”). Autograph letter signed (“T. J. Jackson”), 2 pages, (7.12 x 5.87 in.; 181 x 149 mm.), Hdqrs. Valley Dist, 8 May 1862, to Maj Genl. R[ichard]. S[toddert]. Ewell, Comdg 3d Division, with transmittal addressed envelope; damp staining.During his famous Valley Campaign, “Stonewall” Jackson warns one of his division commanders to proceed with caution in choosing when and where to engage the enemy. Jackson writes in full: General, If the enemy are in the vicinity of New Market, I hope that he will remain there. All that I desire you to do is to keep near enough to [Nathaniel] Banks to let him know that if he goes down the Valley you will follow him, and that you are all the time in striking distance of him. I can only give general instructions. You must conform to circumstances, but try to avoid bringing in a general engagement with Banks’ present force, unless he attempts to cross the Blue Ridge where you can meet him in a strong position. So far the enemy has abandoned the greater part of his baggage, about enough for a regiment. Genl. [Edward] Johnson had a skirmish yesterday, killed and wounded several & took two prisoners. One of them states that [Robert H.] Milroy has about 6000, and that Shenk [i.e. Robert Schenck] is about a days march from here with 6000 more. Johnson is on the top of the Shenandoah, 38 miles from Staunton. We were West of the Mountain yesterday evening, but the enemy opened upon us with arty. and prevented our encamping there as I desired. Consequently I fell back to a more secure position. This morning we move forward, and I pray that God will bless us with success. So long as Banks remains at New Market it would not be prudent for you to advance on him via Harrisonburg. Should he abandon Columbia bridge I hope that you will place a guard there. Very respectfully yours, T. J. JacksonThe purpose of “Stonewall” Jackson’s presence in the Shenandoah Valley in Northern Virginia was to keep Union forces from reinforcing McClellan’s forces on the Peninsula, where they threatened Richmond. With his fast-moving infantrymen, Jackson ranged up and down the Shenandoah Valley for months in early 1862, keeping three Union commanders, John Charles Fremont, Nathaniel Banks and Irvin McDowell, busy and thoroughly unsettled, as their combined forces, though vastly outnumbering Jackson’s, were unable to stop him. Numerous skirmishes — Winchester, Kernstown, Front Royal, Woodstock, New Market, Cross Keys, Port Republic — were all victories for Jackson, though at each battle site the Union forces were sure he would be defeated. Jackson inflicted numerous casualties, seized huge quantities of supplies, mostly from Banks, and kept almost 40,000 Federal troops off the Peninsula during the campaign. Overall, Jackson’s Valley Campaign was a major triumph, adding to his previous victory laurels at Bull Run. $

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James, Frank. Autograph letter signed

Lot 38: James, Frank. Autograph letter signed

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Description: James, Frank. Autograph letter signed (“Ben”), 4 full pages, (10.5 x 8 in.; 267 x 203 mm.), “Gallatin, Missouri,” 9 May 1883, to his wife, Annie James, in Independence, Missouri, with original envelope.Frank comments on his case in a letter to his wife stating, “some have said that I have a kind of magnetism about me that attracts almost everybody.”Frank writes in full: Harry handed me your letter of the 7th last evening also the Dean papers. I am of course always glad to hear from you. I know if I am ever permitted to be with you again and free will bee the happiest man on earth. You have always been so kind and indulgent with me I know there is not another woman living that would of put up and overlooked my faults with the same forgiveness as you have. I know I am not half good enough for you. There is one thing about me I think you can and do admire and that is frankness. Perhaps it might be better or at least you might be better off if I should practice a little more deception with you, I sometimes express myself in a manner that makes you feel badly. I have now for nearly eigh[t] years confided my every thought to you and often what I have said to you has caused you to be unhappy. I sometimes think I will keep my thoughts and plans to myself as other men do. It might be you would be happier if I should do so. I am troubled with a mighty sore mouth this morning. I had a couple of teeth extracted on yesterday, so now I haven’t an unsound tooth in my mouth and I am truly glad of it. You can kiss me now without any offence from rotten teeth. I wish you were here this morning to do so, I go out now every morning before breakfast and draw water and remain until time for breakfast.You know I enjoy it. The Sheriff has perfect confidence in for the he does not take his pistol with him anymore. I am succeeding remarkably well in gaining the confidence of the people. I have some one tell me every day that I have many friends in the county. Some have said that I have a kind of magnetism about me that attracts almost every body. I receive a great many flatering compliments. I send you a clipping from the Lancaster Pa Examiner. You can see what all fair minded men think of the situation. If I was the least bit egotistical [such] I would be badly spoiled. Wouldn’t I? I know you are glad to have the people think well of me and you? You deserve all the credit for my success. Had it not been for you no doubt I would of been to day worse than nothing but as it is I must retain my manhood for the sake of you and Robie. I am proud of you both and hope to be spared to make you comfortable and happy in the future. I haven’t beyond you and he, a single thought — I sometimes think I am selfish in that respect. If so I cant help it. When I think of and look at you I see so many things to admire that I deem it no sin to worship you. Did I tell you that Mr. Dean had been to see me? He seems to be very much interested in my case and has found out many things that no one else has. I can tell you when you come. He is ready to defend me in my coming trial if he is wanted. I think he would be a strong man in the case and I should love to have him. I want you to see Mr. Slover and see what he think about it. He can consult Col Philips and if they think he can do us any good let me know and I will communicate the same to H.C. Dean or let them do it. I will give you my reasons for thinking so. In the first place I am afraid that Col Philips business will be so pressing that he cannot defend me and in the second place it seems as Johnson and Glover are taking but little interest in the case. In fact I don’t think they know one devilish thing about it. You can state this to Mr. Slover, and he and Philips can tell if Dean can be of any service to us. I know some people think Mr. Dean a perfect ‘Old blatherskite’. At the same, time if he is not a farseeing man then my knowledge of men is worth nothing. Tell Mrs. Holland Kassady and Gilley I appreciate their kindness at the same time I guess it is more for what they think of you than sympathy for me I want you to tell Rob that he shant be locked up one single time if he don’t want to. The yard is lovely here and he can have a good time. Darling let me know when you will be here. I am just wild to have you with me I will now kiss you goodbye. Write often.... In a postscript, James has written, “Notwithstanding I want to see you so much I want you to take your time and not work yourself to death in trying to get ready to come. I will now put my arm around you and hug and kiss you bye bye honey.”Frank James wrote this letter while in jail in Gallatin, where he was held, awaiting trial for the murder of Frank McMillan, a stone quarry laborer, during the robbery of a Rock Island train at Winston, Missouri, in 1881. For six months, he was a fugitive from justice. In the ensuing trial, the state sought to prove that Frank was seen near the scene of the crime, masquerading under the name of Woodson, and that he had fatally shot McMillan. However, they had to contend with a formidable witness, Confederate General and peerless rebel cavalry leader, Joseph O. Shelby. The James boys had served under William Clarke Quantrille, the notorious guerilla. Quantrille operated under Shelby’s command; therefore, The James boys fought and campaigned for Shelby on several occasions. At the Battle of Lone Jack, the Yankees captured Shelby’s body servant, a faithful Negro named Billy Hunter, and it was the James boys who recovered him for Shelby. When he was called to the stand, Shelby testified that at the time of the train robbery, he met Jesse James, Dick Liddil and Bill Ryan at his home, when Jesse told him that Frank was not with them, but was in the South, and that he wasn’t with the gang for five years. The general’s testimony not only held tremendous weight with the people and created a sensation, but it was also responsible for Frank’s acquittal. In this letter, he refers to three of his defense attorneys, Charles Johnson of St Louis, a former Lieutenant Governor of Missouri; John F. Philips of Kansas City; and James H. Slover of Independence. The letter is signed in his alias, Ben, to prevent the letter from falling into reporters’ hands or into wrong hands.

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James, Frank. Autograph letter signed

Lot 39: James, Frank. Autograph letter signed

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Description: James, Frank. Autograph letter signed (“Ben”), 4 full pages, (16 x 5 in.; 406 x 127 mm.), “Gallatin, Missouri,” 5 July 1883, to his wife, Annie James, in Independence, Missouri, in pencil with original envelope.Frank writes a personal letter to his wife, detailing his days and wishing he were with her again.Frank writes in full: There is nothing much to add since I last wrote you I will write however to remind you that I think of you all the time. I have had no visitors at all this week and only four since you left me, and I am glad of it. Mrs. May Cox sent me over a saucer of ice cream and a bowl of cherrys this week and I of course enjoyed the cherrys and gave the cream to Mrs. Crozier. I think Mrs. Cox the best friend we have in town she and Mrs. Brasius. Mrs. B is now in bed quite sick so Lena tells me she comes up every few days and brings me flowers. She is a good little girl. I was very much surprised the other day by a letter from Jonas Taylor from Nashville. You remember him the blacksmith, he tells me I have many friends in that place. We have had a general scouring and have also whitewashed and it has improved the looks of my prison ever so much. You remember Buck Killy who[m] called with Mr. Langhorn last winter and shed so many tears about his little boy that was killed — Well I see in day before yesterdays Times that he and his pardner Mr. Freeman has desolved their interest in this paper on account of Mr. Killy being too intiment with Mr. Freemans daughter. I think one half [of] the world is as corrupt as hell itself and the men are more to blame than the women ­— Women as a whole are weak and men know it and take advantage of their weakness. There is but the one way to serve them and that is to do as Phil Thompson did shoot them dead on the spot. Mamma I know if I am ever permitted to be with you again I will be the happiest man in the world — You are the dearest little creature in all this world. How is my little man? Dont let h[im] forget his papa. I was sorry to see an account of M[r] Gossett being robbed hope he may catch the thieves. I will write you again Monday. I will write you ever[y] Thursday and Monday and even three times a week if you like. Lots kisses to you and Rob ....Another letter from Frank James while in jail in Gallatin, where he was held, awaiting trial for the murder of Frank McMillan, a stone quarry laborer, during the robbery of a Rock Island train at Winston, Missouri, in 1881. The letter is signed in his alias, Ben, to prevent the letter from falling into reporters’ hands or into wrong hands.

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Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

Lot 40: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed, as Minister to France (“Th: Jefferson”), 2 pages, (9.12 x 7.37 in.; 232 x 187 mm.), Paris, 8 February 1786, to James Bowdoin, Governor of Massachusetts; with integral address leaf.As minister to France, Thomas Jefferson successfully reduces French duties on American cargos with the assistance of the Marquis de Lafayette, greatly reducing the American debt following the Revolutionary War. Jefferson writes in part: ... a mr Boylston had come here with a cargo of whale oil, and had wished of the Marquis de la Fayette & myself to procure for him the same exemptions from duty as had been obtained the year before for a company. I was of opinion it would be better at once to obtain an abatement for all our citizens in general than to be thus fatiguing the minister by detail. the Marquis came into my opinion, and as this business lay within the department of the minister of finance, and my applications must go thro the minister for foreign affairs which would have occasioned too great a delay for Boylston’s vessel, the Marquis undertook the solicitation, as he does whatever interests America, with the greatest zeal, and very soon obtained a reduction of the duty to about 2 livres on the English hundred, or a guinea & a half the ton as it is estimated in England. This is mentioned to be but for one year; but you need not have the smallest apprehension, in my opinion, of it’s being continued. this matter had been just settled when mr Barrett arrived. his arrival, his prudent conduct, his information, has had a good effect in convincing that what had been done was right, and might produce good to this country. he has obtained a contract for a large quantity if the ministry see that we take produce & manufactures in exchange the abatement will surely be continued. but should money be withdrawn for this article, I do suppose they will revive the duties. the temporary form of the indulgence was probably given for this reason. we are indeed entitled to this at present, because the Hanseatic towns enjoy the same abatements. but as they take very little whale at present, they would readily yield this abatement, and thus destroy the basis on which we may claim it as of right. One of Jefferson’s main tasks as Minister to France was to ensure that American exports — whale-oil, salted fish, and salted meats — were imported into France under favorable terms. It is interesting to note that Jefferson was not eager to show favortism to any particular cargo or company. He immediately decided that the reduction in duty should be across the board. He then convinced the Marquis of his views and gained his support, and assistance, in dealing with the French officials in question. In his autobiography, Jefferson credits much of his success in his duties as Minister to the Marquis de Lafayette: “I was powerfully aided by all the influence and the energies of the Marquis de Lafayette, who proved himself equally zealous for the friendship and welfare of both nations; and, injustice, I must also say, that I found the government entirely disposed to befriend us on all occasions, and to yield us every indulgence, not absolutely injurious to themselves.”

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Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph manuscript

Lot 41: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph manuscript

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph manuscript, 2 pages, (6.25 x 3.87 in.; 159 x 98 mm.), n.d. [1790s], being notes on various sources for the history of Parliament; browned, some spotting and foxing; hinged to a larger leaf.A memorandum relating to Jefferson’s Parliamentary Pocket Book. This detached memorandum leaf is related to Jefferson’s famed “Parliamentary Pocket Book,” the notes that he took in the period 1760-1800 as the basis for his Manual for Parliamentary Practices. The appearance of his handwriting indicates that the entries on this leaf were made in the decade 1790-1800. The entries on the recto include such subject headings as: “hist. Of Parliaments-the 3 estates … Proceedings at or before elections … Qualifications of electors …” each followed by a list of page references. The notations continue on the verso, be­ginning with the entry: “The king has privileges & prerogatives…”Jefferson’s Manual, was based not only on the notes and memoranda that he had made in nearly 40 years study of Parliament but also on his practical experience presiding over the U.S. Senate as Vice President, 1797-1801. The Manual was published in the latter year and remains the basis for parliamentary usage in the Senate.Provenance: Roger Barrett (Sotheby’s New York, 26 October 1988, lot 93).

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Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

Lot 42: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed (“Th: Jefferson”) as Secretary of State, 1 page, (9.25 x 7.75 in.; 235 x 197 mm.), 17 February 1793, Philadelphia, to New York Governor George Clinton. Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson prepares for negotiations with the Iroquois nation in upstate New York, which culminated one year later in The Canandaigua Treaty of 1794 concerning the Indians of the Six Nations ­— the Iroquois Confederacy of Cayuga, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Tuscarora and Seneca tribes. Jefferson writes in full: Sir As it is possible & perhaps probably that at the ensuing conferences on Lake Erie with the Northern & Western Indians they may be disposed to look back to antient treaties, it becomes necessary that we should collect them, in order to be in a state of preparation. This can only be done with the aid of the several state offices where these treaties have been deposited, which, in New York I am told, was in the office of the Secretary for Indian affairs under the old government. Will you permit one, Sir, to hope for your aid as far as to receive through you the several treaties between the six nations & the Governors of New York from the year 1683, & especially those with Colo. Dongan, authenticated under seal in the most formal manner. The necessity of compleating all the arrangements on this subject before the close of Congress, which will be probably on Saturday night, obliges me to ask for these papers under the shortest delay possible. On sending me a note of the expences of the copies they shall be immediately remitted. I confide in the candor and zeal for the public service which I am sure you feel, in asking your interposition in this business, and have the honor to be wish sentiments of the most perfect esteem & respect your Excellency’s most obedυt & most humble servυt Th: JeffersonAs a unit, the Iroquois were the most important native group in North American history. Their political system made them unique, and because of it, they dominated the first 200 years of colonial history in both Canada and the United States. Strangely enough, there were never that many of them, and the enemies they defeated in war were often twice their size. Although much has been made of their Dutch firearms, the Iroquois prevailed because of their unity, sense of purpose, and superior political organization. Since the Iroquois League was formed prior to any contact, it owed nothing to European influence.Though the Iroquois dominated the political and economic landscape for most of the 17υth and 18υth centuries in North America, the years following the Revolutionary War were particularly difficult for them. In the late 1780s and early 1790s, the state of New York was able to make advantageous agreements with the Onondaga (1788), and Cayuga (1790), buying their land and confining them to reservations. This was legal by the letter of the law, but Governor Clinton and colluding land speculators took extreme advantage of the situation. Indeed, Clinton is remembered in this aspect as the most egregious usurper of Indian lands in New York State. As a result, the Iroquois were quite leery of his administration. (The rate at which Iroquois land was disappearing into the hands of land speculators was one reason Congress passed the Non-Intercourse Act in 1790, forbidding the sale of native lands to anyone but the federal government.) In the present letter, Jefferson is not only asking for the 17υth century treaties with the Indians, but subtly requesting any subsequent treaties that Clinton signed with them to better understand the situation on this northern frontier.Still in effect today, The Canadaigua Treaty of 1794 was signed by Colonel Timothy Pickering, as the official agent of President George Washington, and War Chiefs of the Six Nations on 11 November 1794. An important historic letter from Jefferson regarding the Iroquois nation, in which he sets into motion the series of landmark events that would bring a lasting peace between the U.S. and the Iroquois of upstate New York.

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Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

Lot 43: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed (“Th: Jefferson”) as President, 1 page, (9.75 x 8 in.; 248 x 203 mm.), Washington, 1 November 1801, to Mr. Craven Peyton Shadwell near Milton; with integral address leaf and Free Frank free Th. Jefferson.President Jefferson writes with obvious concern about a bank note relating to real estate purchases of property abutting Monticello to the east.Jefferson writes in full: In my letter of Oct. 8, covering a Columbia bank note for 1240υD.27υC I recommended to you to dispose of it without delay. I had more reasons for this than would have been proper then to mention. That bank is now in a crisis which may end mortally. If that note is still in your hands or any where else so as not to have cleared us of all responsibility for it, if it be sent to me by return of the 1υst or 2υd post after you receive this, I shall be able to secure it. Otherwise it will not be in my power. If you are entirely clear of it, let it go, unless it be in Colυo. C. L. Lewis’s hands, on whose account I would meet the inconvenience it would cost me to get it saved. I shall be glad to hear from you on this subject by return of post, as I have considerable anxiety about it. health happiness & my best wishes.Shortly before Jefferson was inaugurated as President, he was informed by Craven Peyton, the lessee of Shadwell, of the possibility of purchasing land abutting his property on the east, including the village of Milton. Bennett Henderson, one of the founders of the village of Milton, had died intestate in 1793. After court action in the fall of 1801, the Henderson estate was divided into small parcels, which were divided among the Henderson heirs — Bennett’s widow and his 10 children. In the meantime, Jefferson had authorized Peyton to purchase the estate for him, negotiating in his own name. (Apparently, relations between the Hendersons and Jefferson were strained, partially due to the fact that Jefferson had obtained an injunction in the fall of 1799, preventing Henderson from building a new dam to raise the water level of the Rivianna for the operation of his new mill built at Mountain Falls.) While Jefferson was President, Peyton bought nearly all of the Henderson holdings at Milton, which required him to travel to Kentucky to negotiate regarding some of the parcels owned by minor children.As documented In Dumas Malone’s Jefferson and His Time: The Sage of Monticello, Jefferson paid nearly $8,000 for the parcels, which were legally conveyed to him by Peyton on August 11, 1811. Title to some of the lands was disputed, due to the fact that three of the 10 children, who were minors at the time of the land sales, later refused their consent to sales made to Peyton, indicating that their brother James was not their legal guardian, and had no right to negotiate on their behalf. The final outcome: In 1817, Jefferson was denied ownership of at least three parcels, and was required to pay rent on them for the period of his occupancy — as well as repurchase them (for $1,600). Craven Peyton offered Jefferson an emergency loan to help in the repurchase.

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Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

Lot 44: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph letter signed (“Th: Jefferson”) as President, 1 page, (9.75 x 7.87 in.; 248 x 200 mm.), Monticello, 6 August 1808, to Messrs. Kerr, Moore & Williams, the “Commrs. of the Western road”; pristine.President Thomas Jefferson oversees the surveying of the Cumberland Road, the first truly “national” road in the United States that would directly link the populous East Coast with the far-flung western frontier past the Allegheny Mountains.Jefferson writes in full: Gentlemen It has been represented to me on behalf of the inhabitants of the town of Washington in Pnsylvna, that by a survey made at their expence, it is found that the Western road, if carried through their town, to Wheeling, would be but a mile longer, would pass through better ground, & be made at less expence, and if carried to Short creek, instead of Wheeling, the difference of distance would still be less. The principal object of this road, is a communication directly Westwardly. If however, inconsiderable deflections from this course will benefit particular places and better accommodate travellers, these are circumstances to be taken into consideration. I have therefore to desire that, having a regard to the funds which remain, you make as good an examination as they will admit, of the best route through Washington to Wheeling, & also to Short creek or any other point on the river, offering a more advantageous route towards Chillicothe & Cincinnati, & that you report to me the material facts, with your opinions for consideration. I salute you with respect. Th: JeffersonAs America entered the 19th Century, the young nation faced one of its first challenges: how to link the people and cities along the Eastern seaboard to those on the frontiers west of the Allegheny Mountains. Settlers moving west faced perils aggravated by the lack of a well-defined roadway, and Easterners were unable to take advantage of the abundant produce and goods from the western frontier without a road to transport them over the Alleghenies. Thomas Jefferson, perhaps the most visionary of the Founding Fathers and the one who best understood the economic benefits of westward expansion, authorized the creation of a “National Road,” which was to become America’s first interstate highway and the only one constructed entirely with federal funds.President Jefferson authorized the Cumberland Road (also known as the “National Road”) on 29 March 1806. It originally followed the Braddock Road, and earlier turnpike constructed during the French and Indian War, between the Potomac and Ohio Rivers. However, where the Braddock Road turned north to Pittsburgh, the Cumberland Road continued west to Wheeling, West Virginia (then part of Virginia). The approximately 620-mile road provided a crucial portage between the Potomac and Ohio Rivers, and served a gateway to the West for thousands of settlers. Today the alignment is largely followed by U.S. Highway 40.

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Jefferson, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph letter signed

Lot 45: Jefferson, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph letter signed

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Description: Jefferson, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph letter signed (“Th: Jefferson”), 1 page, (9.62 x 7.87 in.; 244 x 200 mm.), Monticello, 26 January 1822 to Mrs. Katharine Duane Morgan; browned; repaired.Jefferson waxes profound on the virtues of retirement as he edges toward becoming an octogenarian. With great eloquence, Jefferson acknowledges the passing of time as well as the importance of the passing on of duties to the next generation of Americans.Jefferson writes in full: I have duly received, dear Madam, your favor of the 10th with the eloquent Circular and Address to your patriotic and fair companions in good works. I well recollect our acquaintance with yourself personally in Washington, valued for your own merit as well as for that of your esteemed father. your connection too with the family of the late Colυo. [Daniel] Morgan is an additional title to my grateful recollections. he first gave us notice of the mad project of that day, which if suffered to proceed, might have brought afflicting consequences on persons whose subsequent lives have proved their integrity and loyalty to their country.The effort which is the subject of your letter is truly laudable, and, if generally followed as an example, or practiced as a duty, will change very advantageously the condition of our fellow citizens, & do just honor to those who shall have taken the lead in it. no one has been more sensible than myself of the advantage of placing the consumer by the side of the producer, nor more disposed to promote it by example. but these are among the matters which I must now leave to others. time, which wears all things, does not spare the enemies either of body or mind of a presque Octogenaire. while I could, I did what I could, and now acquiesce chearfully [sic] in the law of nature which, by unfitting us for action, warns us to retire and leave to the generation of the day the direction of it’s [sic] own affairs. the prayers of an old man are the only contributions left in his power. mine are offered sincerely for the success of your patriotic efforts, and particularly to your own individual happiness & prosperity. Th: JeffersonIt was Daniel Morgan (1736-1802) who commanded the Virginia militia in suppressing the Whiskey Insurrection in the Shenandoah Valley of western Pennsylvania in 1794.

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Lee, Richard Henry. Autograph letter signed

Lot 46: Lee, Richard Henry. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Lee, Richard Henry. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (12.25 x 7.87 in.; 311 x 200 mm.), Philadelphia, 29 March 1779, to John Page Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia; tape reinforcement to folds.Revolutionary statesman Richard Henry Lee deplores the lies spread about the loyalties of his two diplomat brothers — the Lee-Deane Affair — and is concerned about the great number of privateers preying on American shipping vessels, though he expresses his supreme confidence in the ultimate victory of American independence. Lee writes in full: Dear Sir, I am honored with your favor of the 19υth and thank you for it. I always thought too well of your wisdom and justice to suppose you could be influenced by the most groundless, ill designing, and improbable calumnies that were ever devised by wicked minds. From the most intimate confidential correspondence, and from the best information, I have abundant reason to be satisfied that both my brothers in Europe [Arthur & William Lee] are as firmly attached to the independence and happiness of America as any men that breathe the vital air. I should detest them if I thought otherways, or had any reason to think of them than as I have above expressed. A strict adherence to duty, active services for their Country, and opposition to public peculation [the misuse of funds, i.e., embezzlement] has drawn this calumny on them. Mr. Lord being such a man as you describe, and having with him authentic documents to prove that he had been confided in by one of these states might well impose upon Dr. [Arthur] Lee who was an utter stranger to any misconduct that he had been guilty of here. I will answer for it, that he must remain an hour in his employment after the Doctor knows his character. I shall be greatly concerned indeed if we have been so unfortunate as to have lost the military stores that you expected. But since Dυr. Lee does not mention anything in his letters to me about having shipped them, and not having seen any mention of such capture in the N. York papers, I yet hope they may be safe. Tis true that the number of privateers that avarice and enmity have equipped from N. York & Bermuda to cruise on our trade is very great indeed. I think by their list they amount to more than eighty. Some Frigates are ordered to clear our Coast of these Rovers, and I hope they will be successful. But this destination of our Frigates ought not to be made public. I wish with all my heart we had any important intelligence to communicate to you. I know of none, unless what I have before written, that we have very good reason to know that our enemies have no prospect of aid of any kind from any European power to assist them in their war against us. Holland seems much disposed to us, at least Amsterdam is securely with us, and that is a powerful part of their Union. The King of the two Sicilies has opened his ports to us, and the English themselves publish that Spain has notified to the Court of London that she will join France if the former does not acknowledge the Independence of America & make peace. But such is the destructive obstinacy and wickedness of our enemies, that they appear determined to try another Campaign, and therefore our efforts should be exerted to reenforce our Army with all possible dispatch. The malice of our foes must recoil upon their own heads, if we are but wise and take the necessary precautions. I am dear Sir yours with much affection and sincerity Richard Henry Lee.The Lee-Deane Affair.Richard Henry Lee opens his letter with his strong concerns regarding his two brothers, Arthur and William Lee — and their involvement in the so-called Lee-Deane Affair. The controversy began when angry charges were exchanged between Arthur and William Lee on one side, and Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane on the other. In early 1777, the two Lee brothers were sent to France; Arthur was to serve as one of three commissioners to the French government (to procure support for the American cause) and William was to serve as Congress’ commercial agent at Nantes (the French port from whence most of the materials desperately needed in America were shipped). Immediately, the Lees discovered that their American associates in Europe were using the Revolution to enrich themselves. The first accusations were made by the Lees against Silas Deane, a Connecticut merchant and former delegate to the Continental Congress, who allowed personal profit to shape his supervision of large sums of money given or lent by European powers to the rebellious colonies. Benjamin Franklin cast a blind eye in Deane’s direction so that he could be allowed to do what he did best — charm the French people and their officials on behalf of the American cause.The first accusations made by Arthur Lee against Deane concerned Deane’s selection of Edward Bancroft as Secretary for the commissioners to France; Lee suspected that Bancroft was a spy for England — and that Deane was cooperating with him. (History has confirmed Arthur Lee’s suspicions: a century later, when the British archives were opened Lee’s indictment of Deane and Bancroft as spies was corroborated.) But Lee’s suspicions soon came to be seen by the French government as hostile, and his communication with both Franklin and Deane became unbearable. At the same time, William (in Nantes) came to see that his position was largely powerless and that Deane wanted him out of the way — due to the fact that Deane was working a deal with Pennsylvania financier Robert Morris to reap huge commissions at the port city. William soon came to see that Deane and Franklin’s agents in Nantes, including Franklin’s nephew, were corrupt. John Adams arrived in Paris (April, 1778) to find extreme confusion and rancor splitting the American delegation. He also came to realize that Arthur was proving to be a handicap in the negotiations — though Adams endorsed Arthur Lee’s integrity and patriotism. Unfortunately, the in-fighting among the American commissioners became known in all its sordid detail to His Majesty’s secret service in London.

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Lee, Henry (

Lot 47: Lee, Henry ("Lighthorse Harry"). Autograph letter signed

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Description: Lee, Henry (“Lighthorse Harry”). Autograph letter signed, initials (“HL”), 4 pages, (9 x 7.12 in.; 229 x 181 mm.), Caicos [West Indies], 30 September 1816, to his son, Carter Lee, a student at Harvard College; light browning.Lee writes from the West Indies to his son studying at Harvard with great lament questions why he has received no correspondence from him: What can this mean, anything I know my dear Carter but y[ou]r lukewarmness of devotion & love to y[ou]r father. Lee writes in full: October my dear Carter shews itself nearly & no letter from my beloved boy notwithstanding I have been writing to you ever since I learnt you was in Cambridge & notwithstanding the salt vessels are weekly coming to the adjacent island & notwithstanding I had asked my friends Wm Sullivan of Boston & Mr Goddard of Providence to receive & forward your letters. What can this mean, anything I know my dear Carter but yr lukewarmness of devotion & love to yr father. I have been detained three months on sea & at Turks & this island on my way to my Spanish Doctor in Nassau: which is the chief town of this island of Providence & where I hope to be partially restored or to die in the attempt. Then why will you not give me by every opportunity the delight of reading the letters of my beloved Carter. Do it I entreat, and write your thoughts just as they come in the order & fashion in which they arise. This done now; some years stile grammar & polish can readily be acquired ­— but ideas will always be tame unless at this age you give them a ready access, by promptly recording what the mind generates & that too offhand. I am very serious in this requisition, & [should] your letters shew labor instead of negligent care, I shall be unhappy — never shew yr letters for me to yr preceptor or any body else. Speak to my heart from your heart — that is what I want & want only.In Barbados where I landed from Alex[andri]a & where I resided six months l often wrote to you & sometimes to Anne, but never heard from either, nor do I now know how my dear daughter’s hand (much injured when I left her) has become. One of my letters from Barbados treated on the subject interesting to your advance & progress in & thru life & I will now repeat the contents as well as I can from notes then taken. Preton greek, decorum Latin & becomingness english, mean the same thing, viz an observance of a just order as to time & place of our words & actions, thus investing yourself with a gracefulness which adorns yr life. This knowledge of putting whatever we say or do in its proper place the stoic philosopher called moderation — the same sect define order the ranging of things in their fitting & proper places. The place of action with them is the season of time for doing it, what the greeks call enhasia & the latins occasio, in english the ‘knowledge of well timing’ whatever we do. It follows that to observe a due regularity & order in all our actions, as that the several parts of our whole lives, like those of a regular & coherent discourse may agree & be suitable one with another — for what is more unseemly & contrary to good manners than when engaged in serious business to being in some merry discourse fit for a feast or a glass of wine. Important as it is to understand nature in its range & bearing, it is more so to be prepared for usefulness & to render ourselves pleasing by understanding well the religious & moral knowledge of right and wrong, to investigate thoroughly the history of mankind, & to be familiar with those examples which shew the loveliness of truth & demonstrate the reasonableness of opinions by past events. Prudence & justice manifest their excellence at all times & all places; we are called to moralize daily but we seldom turn to geometry — with intellectual nature we have constant intercourse, but speculations upon matter are rare, & when much at leisure. We know little of our acquaintances ... in Astronomy tho we daily see him, but his integrity, his benevolence, his truth & his prudence instantly appear. Read therefore my dear the best poets, the best orators & the best historians as from them you draw principles of moral truth, axioms of prudence & materials for conversation. This was the great Socrates’ opinion; he labored in Athens to love philosophy from the study of nature to the study of life. He justly thought man’s great business was to learn how to do good & to avoid evil. Be a steady ardent disciple of Socrates & regard virtue whose temple is built on truth as the chief good. I had rather see you unlearned & unnoticed, if devoted to virtue in practice as well as theory, than to see you the equal in glory to the great Washington. But nature & wisdom are not opponents; they are friends. ... in characters (a few) as in his. A foolish notion often springs up with young men as they open in life, viz that the opinion of the world was not to be regarded, whereas it is the true [nature] general speaking of all things that terminate in human life; to despise its sentence if possible, is not just & if it were just, is not possible — so think now & be convinced as you advance. Tell me I request about my dear Sarah and Robert, their genius, their temper, their disposition to learn & their diligence & perseverance in doing what is assigned them. Tell me the whole truth & be virtuous which will render you happy.In Robert E. Lee’s “Life of General Henry Lee,” published in the Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, [1870], the author has included extracts of letters from Henry Lee to Carter Lee, then a student at Harvard College. In a letter from Carter C. Lee to Robert E. Lee, dated July 25, 1866, from Fine Creek, Powhatan County, Carter Lee mentions these letters from father to son: “My Dear Brother:- I send you, for the work you are engaged upon, as the best history that can be furnished of the close of our father’s life, his letters to me at that sad period .... I send you full copies of the letters, twelve in number ... to record the melancholy close of a life whose dawn was so brilliant...” The letter of September 30, 1816 is one of the 12 mentioned above; however, Robert E. Lee made many changes before its publication, as may be seen by reference to page 59 of the Memoirs.

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Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

Lot 48: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages, (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.), San Antonio, Texas, 15 September 1857, to “My dear Major” — Major Earl Van Dorn (1820-1863); some marginal chipping; slight soiling at the folds on page four, thin strip of paper at the left margin of the first page where the letter was attached to another sheet.Just prior to the start of the Civil War, Robert E. Lee laments regimental desertions and the lack of proper leadership among the ranks, just as his commander has been assigned to the Utah expedition to quell a Mormon uprising. Lee writes in full: I have just recυd. your letter of the 5th Inst. & enclose a copy of the letter to which I presume you refer; at any rate, it contains the authority you desire for your journey to Jeffυn Bks: I am delighted to hear that your ‘Statement of differences’ has dwindled down to such a manageable [sic] amount, & that the number of suspended workers has been reduced to the Singular. When I call to mind the trouble you have had in the matter, I can conceive the relief you must experience at the present exhibit of the hands of the Treasury. You have my sincere Congratulations.The number of desertions are truly lamentable, what can be done to arrest them? I have always thought these long payments were injurious & have advocated, & shall continue to do so, payments every month. The English system of weekly payments perhaps is better, but in our wide extended Country, & widely separated Posts, perhaps that is not practicable, but I think the U.S. are able to pay their regular employes [sic], civil & military, monthly. It is practiced in the Several Staff Depts. of the Army, & ought to be in the Regts. I do not mean to say that these deferred payments are the cause of desertions but they afford facilities; and do not predispose men to be faithful to their engagements. When I speak to Genl [David Emanuel] Twiggs on the subject, he refers to the long payments of former times, a year 1 - 18 months, in the War of 1812 & c - & the fidelity of the men of those periods; & attributes the present faithlessness to the worthlessness of the men of these days.We have lost by desertion the past month 38 men from the Regt. of Camp Cooper they have carried off 8 or 10 horses in addition to their arms. [George] Stoneman has lost some 15 men since I left there, &[Nathan George] Evans 8 or 10 - while, [George] Stoneman’s Farrier(?) deserted leaving $250 in money behind him. [George] Stoneman attributes his desertion to his having been detailed in the Qυr Mυrs. Dept. to repair, or prepare the train for capt. [Alexander - ?] Caldwell’s arrival. A thing that would be but temporary & no great hardship at best. The month before the last we lost 41 men. We now require 150 men & 58 horses in the Regt. I hope you will be able to get up your stables & quarters, & make yourself comfortable by winter. Then perhaps your men will be better reconciled.I am very sorry that [Fitz-John] Porter could not come up with the party of Indians of which he was in pursuit, as I am sure he would have given a good account of them. Tell him he had our best wishes here from the Commυg Genl down. The Genl asked every man nearly if any account had been recd. of him. I think when he reached Camp Cooper he was not far from a portion of his fugitives. Jack Potter got a pass from the Agent before I left Camp Cooper for 5 days. He was down on Hubbies Creek as I came along on the 18th Infy, hunting with his party. He has just got back. What Controul [sic] has the agent over them? I believe the Indians from the Reserve, form a part of nearly all the marauding parties, that infest that part of the frontier. They are joined by some of the Mokonees & the plunder is sent to that market where it is least liable to be recognized. That taken from the Rio Grande is carried to the Reserve & that from your frontier to the Onachita - Major Neighbours very naturally dissents.We have heard nothing official of Col [Albert Sidney] Johnston’s movements. But the telegraphic despatch, which you will see published in the Picquine, appears to be authentic. It is there stated he is assigned to the Command of the Utah Expedition. That Genl Harvey will remain in Kansas. That the 1st Cavυy. Several compυys. Of the Artυly & of the 6 Infυy will form his Command. I suppose the 2nd Dragoons will go with Col Johnston. I have heard the Govυr Walker wished Harvey to be detained with him. I do not think they could get a more suitable person for Utah than Col J. I hope he may prove equal to the emergency, though I am very sorry he is taken from the Regt. & sent so far. I should not be surprized [sic] if we follow in the spring. Tell Mrs. Van D. she must catch up her ponies & prepare herself & her little children. I am not going out there without the ladies of the Regt. Sunday night (13th) news arrived that a Δgovernment train with governmυt stores had been attacked on the Goliad road, 50 miles below here & several men killed, & that it was unable to proceed. The authorities of the town called on Genl T for aid & Lt. Graham & 20 men were despatched [sic] immediately with the sheriff to their relief. The next morυg, Major Howard, Mr. Gilbeau, Col Wilson & others went down to the scene of action. We have heard nothing from them since. You are probably familiar with the Cart war. I feel highly flattered Major at the high position you have placed me in your estimation. I wish I could feel I deserve it. I can say with truth as regards yourself it is more than reciprocated & that none stands higher in my regard. Wishing you every happiness & with my best respects to Mrs. Van D - I remain very truly yours RE LeeIn addition to his great praise for his commander Albert Sidney Johnston, whom he was to command just a few years later, Lee mentions a number of other military men, some of whom served for the Union at the start of the conflict, while others resigned their commissions and fought for the Confederacy.David Emanuel Twiggs (1790-1862). At start of the Civil War, he, as Commander of the Dept. of Texas (after February, 1861), surrendered all of the Union forces and stores under his control to the Confederate general, Ben McCulloch. Dismissed from the U.S. Army. Made Major General of the Confederate Army (22 May 1861), and assigned to command of the district of Louisiana, though he never served on the battlefield, due to his advanced age.George Stoneman (1822-1894). At the start of the Civil War, he was in command at Ft. Brown, Texas. He refused to surrender to General D. E. Twiggs, his immediate superior, who had cast his lot with the confederacy. He escaped with part of his command, and was assigned to temporary duty at the Cavalry School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Later, was to serve in West Virginia on the staff of General McClellan. Known for his great raid on Richmond (13 April-2 May 1863). He was Chief of Cavalry Bureau (1863), in the Atlanta Campaign under W. T. Sherman (1864), and Governor of California (1883-87).Nathan George Evans (1824-1868). In 1855, he served as First Lieutenant in the newly organized 2nd Cavalry under Van Dom. He was promoted to Captain in 1856; he participated in numerous skirmishes with hostile Indians. At the start of the Civil War, was appointed a Major and Adjutant-General in the South Carolina Army, and served in the operations against Ft. Sumter. Later, he also fought at both battles at Bull Run, and in the Vicksburg Campaign. He was deprived of his command by Genl. Beauregard, the department commander.Fitz-John Porter (1822-1901). He served as artillery instructor at West Point (1849-55), then after serving at Ft. Brady, Michigan, transferred to the Adjutant General’s Department stationed at Ft. Leavenworth. From 1857-60, he served with Col. A. S. Johnston’s Utah Expedition as Asst. Adjutant-General. After fighting through the Peninsula campaign, Porter was made Major-General of Volunteers (4 July 1862), and assisted Major-General John Pope (1822-1892) and the Army of Virginia. At the Second Battle of Bull Run (28-30 August 1862), Porter’s action on an order from Pope, an order to advance when he was in fact unable to move forward, led to his dismissal from the army.

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Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

Lot 49: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed (“R. E. Lee”), 8 pages, (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.), 2 July 1859, to his son; mild toning, and a small tear to top of one page.Lee writes to his son on family and home matters and makes reference to a New York Tribune story about his poor treatment of slaves.Lee writes in part: Your letter of the 5th Alto to your Mother, My dearest son, has arrived and given us the pleasing intelligence of your good health & well being. I am so glad that your rheumatic attack has left you. Be very careful not to bring it back and do every successful thing to endurate and strengthen your constitution & system ... Your Mother, Fitzhugh & Charlotte went down to Cedar Grove last Tuesday to spend ten days or a fortnight, so they will not be back before the last of the next or the first of the following week. Your poor Mother has been suffering very much this spring. I am in hopes that the change of air & sense may benefit her. She has not made up her mind where to go this summer, or what to do to try & relieve her from the ahumatism that still so perseveringly adheres to her. At one time she seemed to desire to go to St. Catharines Well in Canada, where waters are said to have worked some wonderful cures. But I have procured some of the water in Washington, brought from the spring in Bbls, which she has been drinking, so far without any apparent effect. The water is not very palatable either, being remarkably saline & ... does not take to it kindly. It was this desire ... of your Grand Father’s Estate, your mother’s condition & the hope I at one time entertain of seeing you my dearest son, that indured me to forego my purpose of returning to Texas this summer, & to remain till the Fall — God knows whether I have done right, or whether my stay will accomplish anything. I am very doubtful on the subject ... this feeling deprives me of half the pleasure I should derive from being here under other circumstances. I now see little prospect of one of my hopes being fulfilled, that of seeing you. On my last visit to Col. Deruper, it was not decided, but seemed to me extremely doubtful that you would be ordered to West Point. The Sup. has returned, but is busy in making certain charges under the four year rule, & though some 13 officers under that rule will leave West Point, they purpose to supply them with other four year men & you have not been that time in California. These changes will also draw heavily on the light affair for deploying transportation & they are property & materially ... to encroach upon it, still in time something may be done & in the meantime we must all be content. You must not have your mind ... by Rooney’s account of the improvements at this place they are very meager & only serve to [exacerbate] matters ... I have not the means to do what I should like & what I do do, has to be limited by considerations of economy & practicality. I have been able to do nothing to the grounds around the house, except to clean up on the hill & have been obliged to limit myself to what is most essential & promises something for man & beast to eat and to furnish shelter & probiction (?) - You will find things therefore I fear rough & unsightly as much as I desire to polish up your Mothers habitation & to fanfair for you an acceptable home. We are in the midst of our little harvest. The rye is secured & we are getting in the hay. The oats & corn look favorably & as far as I can judge, unless something unforeseen occurs, we shall make fair crops of everything. We shall not make a good a crop of wheat at the White House as I had hoped. But I think an average [month]. It is harvested at this time. The corn looks well & I hope between the two we shall do tolerably ...The force here is very small have to hire nearly all the labour. We have nothing but the old men & boys - The N.Y.[Tribune] has all asked me for my treatment of your Grand Fathers slaves (he has left me an unpleasant legacy),but I shall not reply.A June 1859 letter to the editor of the New York Tribune newspaper related the full story, noting that three slaves had escaped and Lee dispatched an officer to retrieve them. The officer “overtook them nine miles this side of Pennsylvania, and brought them back. Col. Lee ordered them whipped. They were two men and one woman. The officer whipped the two men, and said he would not whip the woman, and Col. Lee stripped her and whipped her himself.” That action, recounted in the New York newspaper, created a great day of negative publicity that followed Lee well after the end of the Civil War. While some rebel supporters continue to debate the charge, the event left an indelible black mark on his legacy. A lengthy and detailed letter with a reference to a particularly damaging episode in Lee’s life.

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Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

Lot 50: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed

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Description: Lee, Robert E. Autograph letter signed (“R.E. Lee”), 1 page, (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.), Hυd Qrs: Valley Mt, 11 August 1861, to His Excυl John Letcher Govυr of State of Vigυa Richmond.Lacking supplies and men while in western Virginia, Robert E. Lee sends an urgent request to the Governor of Virginia. Lee writes in full: Govυr I take the liberty to enclose a letter just recυd from Genl H. R. Jackson Commυdg on the Monterey line, in reference to the position of Major A. C. Jones & to ask your consideration of the subject. From the Circumstances as detailed by Genυl Jackson if Major Jones is considered to have resigned his commission, I think he can with propriety be allowed to withdraw it, & be thus restored to his former position, in which he has been zealously serving.I have no knowledge of Major Jones personally, but learn that he is a useful & meritorious officer & know that the services of all such are urgently required. I therefore recommend that he be restored to his former rank & position. I have the honor to be Your Obt Servt R E Lee Genl Commdg After the first Battle of Bull Run (First Manassas) on July 21, 1861, Robert E. Lee was dispatched on July 28th to the Alleghenies (in western Virginia) by President Jefferson Davis as “coordinator,” an ill-defined rank without authority. Lee spent three rainy months there, in the vicinity of Monterey, Virginia, with a very small staff. The forces sent to the mountains were small, the equipment was generally poor, and supplies were lacking. In addition, the recruitment of Confederates there had not gone as expected. During his time in the Alleghenies, Lee, after receiving a request from Brigadier-General H. R. Jackson [Henry Rootes Jackson of Georgia ­— commanding on the Monterey line], and sorely in need of good officers, here requests that the Governor of Virginia, John Letcher, allow the restoration of Major A. C. Jones to his rank. According to the docket on verso, Major Jones was reappointed to his rank on August 16th.

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