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American Revolutionary War Collection of Richard Newell

by RR Auction


33 lots with images

December 15, 2012

Live Auction

5 Route 101A, Suite 5

Amherst, NH, 03031 USA

Phone: +1 (603) 732-4280

Fax: +1 (603) 732-4288

Email: Bobby.Eaton@RRAuction.com

33 Lots
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Declaration of Independence

Lot 1000: Declaration of Independence

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Description: Scarce engraved broadside, "In Congress, July 4, 1776. The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America. When in the Course of Human Events." [Washington, D.C.,] engraved by W.J. Stone [1823-1825], reprinted 1833 from the same copperplate, for Peter Force's multi-volume work, American Archives (1837-1853).By 1820, the original Declaration of Independence, now housed at the National Archives in Washington, D.C., had seriously deteriorated due to inappropriate handling and storage. In an effort to preserve the memory of the venerable document, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams commissioned William J. Stone to engrave an exact facsimile on a copper plate. When Stone completed his painstaking work in 1823, Congress ordered 200 official copies printed on vellum. Stone's original engraved plate remained with the Department of State.Several years later, Peter Force, historian, publisher and mayor of Washington D.C. (1790-1868), conceived a 20-volume anthology entitled American Archives, which would reprint letters, documents and broadsides from the American Revolution and convinced Congress to fund an edition of 1,500 sets. For the project, Force arranged with the State Department to print 4,000 copies of the Declaration using Stone's original copperplate. Stone's imprint was neatly burnished out at the top of the plate-and "W.J. STONE SC[ULPSIT] WASHN." was placed in the lower left. The facsimiles were folded and bound into volume one of the fifth series of American Archives: A Documentary History of the United States of America.Recently uncovered documentation demonstrates that Force's edition was not printed in 1848 as previously believed, but earlier, in 1833. American Archives was published at intervals between 1837 and 1853, but paid subscriptions to the elaborate (and bulky) collection proved disappointing. In 1843, when Force received Congressional re-authorization to continue the work, he had scaled back his subscription plan to 500 copies. In the end, only 9 of the projected 20 volumes were ever issued.Although Force printed over 4,000 copies, extant editions of Force's facsimile are surprisingly scarce. The Force printing, the second edition of the first exact facsimile, remains one of the best representations of the Declaration as the manuscript looked over 150 years ago, before the document's near complete deterioration today.Beautifully cloth matted and framed, and possibly mounted, to an overall size of 34 x 39.5. In overall very good condition, with intersecting storage folds, well-done professional repairs to separations along folds, repaired areas of small paper loss, with well-done touch ups to the text in those areas, and other separations, light mirroring and ink transfer to print, and some scattered light toning. A visually-striking example of one of only a few hundred printings known to exist.

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Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers

Lot 1001: Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers

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Description: A complete set of all 56 men who signed this historic document, this collection represents the ultimate accomplishment in American autograph collecting. Of the precious few complete collections of Signers known to exist, this set is one of the finest quality sets ever offered. Most of the examples are substantial-length letters, many of which feature significant historical content by some of the nation's most important Founding Fathers.The centerpiece of any complete set of Signers is the rarest of them all, the autograph of Button Gwinnett. According to the most recent published census, only 51 examples of his hand are known to exist-and only eleven remain in private hands. The Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection features a superb example: a historic 1773 document signed by the Georgia Signer at an important moment in his life. The Gwinnett is complemented by other rare and uncommon Signers including Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton, Joseph Hewes, John Penn, Thomas Nelson, Jr., George Taylor, and Lyman Hall. It is the enormous scarcity of these signatures that make collecting all 56 Signers a near impossible feat. The collection was first assembled by the noted collector Thomas R. Proctor (1884-1920) of Utica, New York. Proctor, as evidenced by the contents of this incredible holding, was an extremely sophisticated collector who not only venerated the Founding Fathers and their sacrifices for American independence, but had a deep and nuanced understanding of the history of the American Revolution. To enhance presentation, Proctor laid each piece into a larger sheet and had the set bound by Bradstreets in elaborately gilt scarlet morocco, with gilt-tooled morocco doublures with the names of the thirteen colonies housed within laurel wreathes. Sometime after Proctor completed his collection in 1905, it was acquired by another great American collector, Philip D. Sang (1902-1975)-one of three complete sets he owned over his lifetime. In 2002, Richard Newell purchased the collection in a private sale. A graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point and Vietnam veteran, Newell is an avid student of military history. His acquisitions of significant books, manuscripts, and philately over the past several decades have focused on key moments in America's military conflicts, with an astute appreciation for the underlying social and economic issues behind those struggles. At the time of his purchase of the present set, Newell had already acquired two partial collections of Signers. The first was purchased in the mid 1990s from the estate of Kenneth Laurence, which included 55 of the original 56 (excluding Gwinnett). He bought a second partial set of 42 at a New York auction in 2000.Unlike many extant collections of Signers, which consist of clipped signatures and signed documents, this assemblage features 48 handwritten letters, 22 of which were accomplished during the Revolutionary War with an additional five that date between The Boston Tea Party and the outbreak of hostilities in April 1775. Indeed, the last collection of Signers that contained as many letters signed as the present group was offered in 1967.The quality of this collection simply can't be overstated. Overall condition would be considered fine, with a range of expected occasional light flaws (for example, scattered soiling, light staining or foxing, unobtrusive intersecting folds, isolated small old repairs or reinforcements, etc), however this set, as a whole, displays condition far surpassing similarly available material and in essence any flaws could be dismissed as trivial. Each piece has been professionally and tastefully inlaid into a larger sheet so that reverse sides or adjoining address panels (some of which also bear franking signatures or original wax seals) are readily viewed. Piecemeal, this is a remarkable assemblage of items; as a single offering it reaches a rarified new level-a superior once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the most discriminating of collectors.

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Josiah Bartlett

Lot 1002: Josiah Bartlett

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire and physician (1729-1795). Manuscript ADS, one page, 12.25 x 8.5, January 1, 1778. Document from The State of New Hampshire to Josiah Bartlett, detailing financial accounts pertaining to "time and expences between the 3'd Day of September 1775 and the 9th Day of November 1776, Three Hundred & Ninety five Days at 30/pr Day as pr order of the Genl Assembly," in the amount of 592 shillings, 10 pence and zero pounds. A tally is put in order, detailing when and from where the funds were received: "By cash rec'd of...August 1775 to be accounted for, 140:0:0; By cash recei'd at Philadelphia as pr Receipt 30th Dec. 1775, 120:0:0; August 11th, 1776 by Cash Rec'd at Philadelphia, 120:0:0; May 1776 Rec'd Cash of the Treasr to be accounted for, 100:0:0; By Cash Rec'd for Jared Tracys, Bringing money from Philadelphia, 10:16:0," coming to a tally of 592:10:0. with Bartlett adding, "Errors Excepted pr Josiah Bartlett," endorsed by a Justice of the Peace. Bartlett's name is also docketed three times on the reverse in another hand. Intersecting folds, uniform toning, scattered light spotting, a few light areas of soiling, three trivial areas of separation along the central vertical fold, rough edges with a few small tears, and show-through from writing on the reverse, otherwise very good condition.An outstanding financial account, penned nearly entirely in Barlett's hand, outlines payment from the state of New Hampshire for his time serving in the Continental Congress from "the 3'd Day of September 1775 and the 9th Day of November 1776." Bartlett was the first representative to be asked regarding a declaration of independence from Great Britain, to which he affirmatively responded. As the second signer, he made his affirmation official on August 2, 1776, when he penned his signature to the formal copy of the Declaration, right after Hancock's. Just days later, Bartlett would reap the fruits of his labor: "August 11th, 1776 by Cash Rec'd at Philadelphia, 120:0:0."

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Matthew Thornton

Lot 1003: Matthew Thornton

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire (1714-1803). Scarce and fine content war-dated ALS, signed "Matthew Thornton," as President of the New Hampshire Committee of Safety, one page, 6.75 x 11.5, October 16, 1775, Londonderry, [New Hampshire], addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel on verso to "the Honble. Committee of Safety Exeter." Thornton, as head of the revolutionary government of New Hampshire, was invited to Cambridge, Massachusetts, to meet with representatives of the Continental Congress, General George Washington, and fellow New England political leaders to discuss the reorganization of the Continental Army-but in light of the continuing ill-health of his wife, asks if someone else from the New Hampshire Committee of Safety could be sent in his stead. Thornton writes, in full, "Last Thursday I set out for Cambridge I got there fryday [sic] P. M. was informed that the Gentn. did not leave Philadelphia till the Sixth Instant & were not expected till the 15 or 16 Instant, when at Home my Cloase [sic] has not been off but one night for ten past & if my wife is not better [word missing] not possibly leave Home[.] If you Send a Committee tomorrow & Can goe [sic] it will be exceeding[ly] agreeable to me to meet them & take their advice, & in Case I Cannot, they will be ready to Represent the Colony. I leave all to your wisdom." In very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), scattered soiling, old reinforcements on the reverse to vertical edges, and two small areas of paper loss (one resulting in the loss of one word, and repaired from behind).Thornton was expecting to meet with a delegation of three members of the Continental Congress charged "to repair immediately to the camp at Cambridge, to confer with General Washington, and with the governor of Connecticut, and the lieut-Governor of Rhode Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the President of the convention of New Hampshire, and such other persons as to the said Committee shall seem proper, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army." (Congress, Journals, Sept. 29, 1775) The next day, they appointed Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Harrison and Thomas Lynch, Sr. to the delegation. Hearing of their arrival, Thornton travelled to Cambridge in early October, but when the committee failed to appear, he returned to attend to his sick wife. (Charles Thornton Adams, Matthew Thornton, 30-31) The delegation arrived soon after Thornton's departure and met in Cambridge from October 18 to 23, 1775, to discuss the reorganization of the Continental Army with George Washington and representatives of the New England Colonies. On those recommendations, Congress approved the reorganization of the Continental Army into 26 regiments on November 4. A superb early letter from the first year of the Revolutionary War concerning a key conference that set the organizational structure of Washington's army for the year 1776. War-dated examples of Thornton's hand in any form are scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only seven examples selling at auction since 1975.

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Elbridge Gerry

Lot 1004: Elbridge Gerry

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts (1744-1814). Governor of Massachusetts (1810-1812) and Vice President of the United States (1813-1814). ALS, signed, "E. Gerry,"one page, 7.75 x 9.75, June 8, 1812, Cambridge, [Massachusetts]. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to "Major General [Henry] Dearborn." At the outbreak of the War of 1812, Gerry writes concerning a young gentleman's desire for an officer's commission and to serve with Dearborn. Gerry writes, in full, "I have received the certificate enclosed from President Kirkland, this morning. the note has no direction, because the young[?] Gentleman did not disclose to Mr Kirkland the object. It is to obtain an appointment in the army, & if possible, in your [military] family. You can give him all the information & aid requisite on the occasion." Intersecting folds passing through the signature, a few pin holes to blank areas, and a small area of seal-related paper loss to left edge (continuing to the integral address leaf), otherwise fine condition.Gerry refers to John Thornton Kirkland (1770-1840) who served as president of Harvard University from 1810 to 1828. General Dearborn had recently been commissioned a major general overseeing the northern border from the Niagara River to the coast of New England. His efforts to invade Canada in 1813 were met with little success, and he was reassigned to an administrative command in New York the same year. He was discharged in 1815.

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William Ellery

Lot 1005: William Ellery

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1727-1820). ALS, "Wm Ellery," one page, 7.75 x 9.5, March 23, 1815, Worcester. Addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal panel to "Miss Philadelphia Ellery Care of Charles Dyer Merchant Providence R: Island &c." A warm personal letter to a young relation, in the wake of the end of the War of 1812. Ellery writes, in part, "I...am glad to find that Belinda is willing to perform her promise to live with us when peace shall take place...the weather has been so cold since you wrote your letter and the roads so bad, and made worse by the snow that fell last night, that it is impossible for me to fix upon the time when I shall be at Providence....Your brother W., and wife and daughter attended by Edward Channing arrived at Newport last Saturday...Be yourself at Providence as soon as you conveniently can." After news of family members, who are coming to Newport, Ellery notes that "Mr. Timmy has gone again to Hartford, and does not mean to live at Newport, the air there not suiting his health so well as that of the country." In very good condition, with intersecting folds, small restored area of seal-related loss at left edge, and the once-removed signature and sentiment now skillfully replaced (along with a square area of paper to its immediate right).Ellery replaced Samuel Ward as the Rhode Island delegate to the Continental Congress in 1776. During the War, his home and lands were plundered by the British. Following the Revolution, Ellery served a brief stint as Chief Justice of the Rhode Island Supreme Court (1785-1786). In 1790 President George Washington appointed Ellery as Collector of Customs for the District of Newport, a position he held for three decades. Though he was a staunch Federalist, the Jeffersonian Republicans chose to retain his post when they assumed power in 1800.

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John Hancock

Lot 1006: John Hancock

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts and President of the Continental Congress at the time of the document's approval (1737-1793). Revolutionary War-dated ALS signed "John Hancock, Prest," one page, 8 x 12.5, January 10, 1776. Letter to Lord Stirling. In full: "I have it in Charge from Congress to order Col. Maxwell to put his Regimt in a State of Readiness to March to Albany, which you will pleased to direct immediately, & as soon as Ready pray inform me, that the particular orders of Congress may be Transmitted for his proceedings." Letter is removably encapsulated in acid free Mylar. In very good condition, with intersecting folds, one through a single letter of signature, some areas of restored paper loss to reverse of edges and corner tips, scattered toning and soiling, and some scorch marks to top right and bottom left.With the Revolution underway, Hancock arrived in Philadelphia in 1775 and was unanimously elected president of the Continental Congress, the first national government of the United States. As public support for independence strengthened and Congress prepared to officially declare, Hancock dealt with their official correspondence, including select military orders. In this letter to the 2nd New Jersey Regiment's Colonel William Maxwell, through Lord (General William Alexander) Stirling, he orders their preparation for a march to Albany, from whence they would begin their role in the investment of Quebec. This regiment and both men noted remained active through the entirety of the war, participating in such noted battles as Brandywine, Germantown, and the final Battle of Yorktown. Sending orders to two loyal Patriots who saw the war through to the end, this is a wonderful early Revolutionary War-dated letter in Hancock's hand, penned just six months before he placed his famous signature on the Declaration of Independence.

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Stephen Hopkins

Lot 1007: Stephen Hopkins

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1707-1785). Governor of Rhode Island for several terms between 1755 and 1768. Rare ALS, signed "Step Hopkins," one page, 6.25 x 7.75, September 1754, Newport, [Rhode Island]. Addressed in his hand "To- Mrs. Anne Smith at Smithfield." A warm letter in which widower Hopkins courts his future wife. He writes, in full, "While I am here employed in the drudgery of following Vice and Grand through the lurking places of Craft and design, You are peacefully Pursuing the Paths of Peace and Contemplating the Laws and designs of Heaven; go on ever in those happy Courses and enjoy that as happyness that is attendant thereon; Your prayers will endeavour to Preserve me from the Snares incident to the Station I am placed in. Mine shall attend you in your Journey which I hope may be very agreeable as your returne will be to him who with truth Subscribes himself." Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in fine condition, with a tiny pin hole of paper loss, wax seal remnant in left margin, and scattered light soiling.Hopkins' first wife, Sarah Scott died in 1753. In 1755, he married widow Anne Smith Hopkins (1717-1782). Accomplished the year before the first of his four terms as Governor of Rhode Island and only months after his return from the historic Albany Congress, which approved Benjamin Franklin's plan to unify the colonies under a president appointed by the crown. Although rejected by the colonies, the Albany plan formed the basis for the Articles of Confederation of 1777. Hopkins is known for his very shaky signature on the Declaration. In this instance, twenty years earlier, his hand was far steadier. Hopkins in ALS form is rare. American Book Prices Current notes only four examples selling since 1975.

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Samuel Huntington

Lot 1008: Samuel Huntington

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1731-1796). President of the Continental Congress (1779-1781) and Governor of Connecticut (1786-1796). Fine content war-dated LS, signed "Sam. Huntington President," as President of the Continental Congress, one page, both sides, 7.25 x 9, May 24, 1781, Philadelphia. Written to Major General Nathanael Greene (1742-1786) commanding the Southern Department advising him of appointments for Greene's medical staff-many of whom were in captivity, taken at Charleston in 1780. Huntington writes, in full, "You will receive enclosed the Copy of a Resolution of the 15th Instant [not present] containing the Appointment of the Principal Officers in the medical Department for the southern Army. You will observe that all such Officers of the medical Department appointed under the former Directorship of Doctor Oliphant [sic, Olyphant] who are now in Captivity in South Carolina and Georgia and have the Charge of the Sick in those States are continued in their respective Offices &c but to extend no farther than to the Troops & Hospitals within the Enemies Lines. Your dispatches of the 22nd & 24th of April have been viewed." Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in fine condition, with scattered faint toning and writing lightly showing through from opposing sides.At the time of writing, Greene was capitalizing on the strategic success of Guilford Court House, which, despite being a tactical American loss, forced Cornwallis to retreat to the coast. This allowed Greene to push into South Carolina and force occupying British forces to retreat toward the relative safety of Charleston. David Olyphant (1720-1805) was a Scottish-born physician who escaped to South Carolina after fighting at Culloden in 1745. Congress commissioned him Director-General of the Southern Hospitals in 1776. Olyphant was taken prisoner at the surrender of Charleston in 1780, receiving treatment from the British that elicited a formal protest from General William Moultie. Following the war, his health failing, he moved to Rhode Island where he spent the remainder of his life practicing medicine.

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William Floyd

Lot 1009: William Floyd

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Description: Manuscript DS signed "Wm. Floyd," one page, 5.25 x 7, November 23, 1784. Warrant for New York State Treasurer Gerard Bancker, written out by Isaac Roosevelt. In full: "You are hereby authorised to pay Ezra L'Homodieu Esqr. for the Use of John Franiks, the sum of Twenty two pounds Sixteen shillings being for his Services under the direction of the Late Major John Davis Dec'd.in Procuring Clothing & C in persuance of an Act of the Legislature of this State passed the 7th March 1781 and in so doing this shall be your warrant." Signed at the conclusion by Floyd, as a Commissioner, and also signed by Roosevelt. Reverse bears a handwritten and signed receipt from L'Hommedieu which reads, "Rec'd New York 24th November 1784 from Gerard Bancker Treasurer Twenty two pounds sixteen shillings in full for the within order." Document has been professionally cleaned and inlaid to a 7.5 x 9.75 off-white sheet. Aforementioned cleaning, previous light folds, light show-through from receipt on reverse, and a uniform shade of mild toning, otherwise fine condition. In his 1995 reference History Comes to Life, Kenneth Rendell places Floyd's autograph material into the "rare" category among the Signers. Isaac Roosevelt was one of ten representatives from New York City who participated in the state Constitutional Convention, and was the great-great-grandfather of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Isaac achieved the most political success of any Roosevelt before Theodore Roosevelt.

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Lewis Morris

Lot 1010: Lewis Morris

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1726-1798). ALS, signed "Lewis Morris," one page, both sides, 7.75 x 13, August 15, 1795, Morrisiana, [New York], addressed on the integral transmittal leaf to his son, and namesake, Lewis Morris IV (1754-1824), a former aide-de-camp of Nathanael Greene during the American Revolution, then living in Charleston, South Carolina. Morris writes, in large part, "I was made very happy the other day when I returned from New Haven where I went with brother Daniel. My chief business there was to speak to Mr. Dwight and some of the tutors who have promised to do everything in their power to serve him...I am not very well. I believe it is a bad cold but I hope to get over it. I have no fever but you know how a man feels with a bad cold... was surprised to hear of Mr. Cox's application to you for money. I think you need not fear for any suit as you never became Jacob's security...Jacob [Jacob Morris (1755-1844) the second son of the Signer] made the same request of me. I told him if I had money he should have it, but that I never would put my hand and seal to any instrument for John Cox...Daniel is a fine boy and he is deserving of every attention of all his friends...the farmers in this county have lost as vast amount of hay from the great floods of this summer. I have been in among the rest but have got a fine parcel of salt hay and in good season...God bless you and believe me your affectionate father and friend." In very good condition, with intersecting folds passing through the signature, a tape repair to an area of fold splitting on the second page, and writing showing through from opposing sides.A fine, warm letter from the New York Signer. After the war, his son settled in South Carolina where he had served in the final years of the conflict with Nathanael Greene. He served five terms in the South Carolina General Assembly from 1789 to 1801 and served as the state's lieutenant governor from 1794 to 1796.

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Robert Morris

Lot 1011: Robert Morris

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1734-1806). Morris was known as the 'Financier of the Revolution,' who leveraged his own monies and financial acumen to help raise funds to support the new nation. After the war, he became involved in land speculation and lost his fortune in 1798, famously landing in debtor's prison. Superb content war-dated ALS, signed "Robt Morris," four pages on two adjoining 7.75 x 9.5 sheets, January 12, 1777, Philadelphia. Written to fellow merchant John Langdon (1741-1819) who was serving as an agent for Continental prizes in New Hampshire. Morris updates Langdon on the flight of Congress as the British invaded New Jersey in 1776, and his appointment (together with George Walton and George Clymer) as agents of the Continental Congress while the main body fled to Baltimore as a precaution in the event Philadelphia was captured by Howe's rapidly advancing army. Morris expresses his pleasure at the prospect of being useful to this country in a time of crisis and believing that Congress had taken favorable notice of his show of initiative. Morris writes, in full, "As you wou'd undoubtedly hear of the unhappy situation of this city for some weeks past, you wou'd naturally suppose that to be the only cause why you did not hear from me. When the British troops made such a rapid progress through the Jerseys & got within a few miles of us, the Congress thought proper to remove to Baltimore, at that time I sent my family, my books, papers and considerable effects into Maryland, but having still a great value here and being desirous of spiriting up our people in all my power, I determined to wait until; the last, happy in having done so, as I have had an opportunity of being very useful both to this country & to the general cause. The Congress know this well, and have appointed myself & two others that remained here, a committee with full powers to transact all Continental business that may be proper and necessary here. I mention this as an apology for not having wrote you sooner for I do assure you, the business of that committee engrosses so much of my time that I cannot attend my own business. The letters I rec'd from you in answer to my proposals for speculating in prize goods &c are in the country with my other papers & such variety of business had gone through my hands since that I do not perfectly remember their contents, but think you had made some purchases which I very much approved at the time and wished you to proceed being certain that goods bought with judgment at moderate prices much answer very well. I continue of the same mind and authorize you to proceed not doubting your utmost care & attention as to quality & prices as well as to the safety of the goods after bought. I wish also that you wou'd buy a good prize vessel, double decked, & pick up a cargo for her suitable for France, dispatch her for Bordeaux consigned to Messrs. Smal. & J.H. Delap with orders to make sale of both vessel and cargo provided the vessel can be sold for a sum equal to her first cost which I am in hopes will be very reasonable, you'll put in a prudent carefull master & send her away as soon as possible because I think the risque of the voyage is considerable during the winter. I do not particularize the articles to compose this cargo because I don't know what you can get, but masts, spars, oak plank, bees wax, pearls & potash, fish oil &c &c are wanted in that country & will answer well if laid in at moderate prices & unless this can be done I wou'd drop the plan altogether, but if it can be executed reasonably, the sooner the better & the value of vessel & cargo not to exceed three thousand pounds lawfull money. You'll tell Messrs. Delap to hold the proceeds in their hands subject to my orders & if they cannot sell the vessel to send her back to you with a cargo of salt. You will want money to execute this business and I am in hopes can supply yourself by drawing on me. You may depend the bills shall be punctually paid but if that will not do, I will furnish you with money from hence from time to time the sums you may write for." Intersecting folds, small splits along fold ends, and writing showing through from opposing sides, otherwise fine condition. Retreating across New Jersey, Washington crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania on December 7, 1776, and proceeded to destroy every boat along the 75 mile stretch to hamper a crossing by the British that would threaten the capital at Philadelphia. Fearful that Washington's pitifully small army would be unable to stem the tide, Congress resolved to move its seat to Baltimore on December 12. The next day, however, Howe announced his intention to close the campaign for the season and not advance any further. Congress was not taking any chances. They left Philadelphia on December 20 leaving Morris, Clymer, and Walton as official agents of Congress, empowered to transact all Continental business in Philadelphia. Despite Washington's surprise victories at Trenton and Princeton in December and January, a move that forced the British to abandon many of their forward posts in New Jersey, Congress chose to remain in Baltimore until March 4, 1777. By the time Morris wrote Langdon in the present letter, the danger of a British invasion of Philadelphia had largely subsided (for the time being), allowing him time to catch up on his personal business. Morris' conduct here would be greeted today with a good deal of suspicion as he was essentially using his and Langdon's official connections to speculate in prize goods from captured British merchantmen. A superb war-dated letter by Morris, accomplished at one of the more critical moments in the Revolutionary War.

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John Hart

Lot 1012: John Hart

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (c. 1711-1779). War-dated manuscript DS, signed "John Hart," as Speaker of the New Jersey General Assembly with a six-line endorsement in his hand, two pages, 8.25 x 13, May 24, 1777, [Burlington, New Jersey]. Hart approves, "An Act to Exempt a Number of Men, to be employed at the Iron Works at Batsto and Mount Holly in the County of Burlington, from actual Service in the Militia, under the Restrictions and Regulations therein mentioned." Countersigned by Governor of New Jersey William Livingston (1723-1790), signed "Wil: Livingston Presdt."The resolution, reads in part: "Whereas it is highly expedient that the Army and Navy of the United States of America should be furnished as speedily as possible with a Quantity of Cannon, Cannon Shot, Camp Kettles and other Implements and Utensils of Iron, which the Furnaces at Batso, and the Forge and rolling Mill at Mount Holly... are well adapted to Supply...whereas John Cox...the Proprietor and Conductor of the said Works...that he is now under contract for a large Quantity of the said Articles...that the workmen are necessarily employed in the said Iron Works, being Objects of the Militia Law, are so frequently called away, and some times at those Critical Season of Business which the said Works are peculiarly subject to." The law exempted these men who were deemed critical to supplying the war effort. Scattered light soiling, creasing, and toning (heaviest along central vertical fold), small tape repair to reverse of the second page, and some old pin holes near the top edge, otherwise fine condition.The Batsto Iron Works were established in 1766 by iron master, Charles Reed and purchased by John Cox in 1773. The works manufactured supplies for the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War including kettles and cooking pots. The works remained in operation well into the 19th century before the town became a center of glassmaking.

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John Morton

Lot 1013: John Morton

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1725-1777). Rare party-printed war-dated DS, signed "John Morton Speaker," as Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, one page, 13.25 x 8.5, April 6, 1776, [Philadelphia]. A commission for a lieutenant with an early seal of revolutionary Pennsylvania. The document commissions "Morton Garret, Gentleman," appointing him as a "Lieutenant of a Company of Foot in the Battalion of Musketry in the Service of his Province for the Protection of the same, against all hostile Enterprizes, and for the Defence of American Liberty...you are to observe and follow such Orders and Directions...from the Assembly...from the present or any future Committee of Safety for this Province, or from your superior Officer." Endorsed on the verso by justice of the peace "Nichs Fairlamb" who certifies on May 30, 1776, that Morton Garrett had appeared before him and "was qualified to the within commission." Short splits along somewhat fragile intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), the first letter of Morton's surname possibly darkened, and moderate irregular overall toning affecting appearance, otherwise very good condition.Garrett was part of Captain John Nice's company and soon after was promoted to Captain of Francis Murray's company forming part of the "Pennsylvania Regiment of Foot" before he resigned his commission in 1777. John Morton is rare. American Book Prices Current notes only four examples selling at auction since 1975.

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James Wilson

Lot 1014: James Wilson

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1742-1798). In 1789, he became one of the original nine justices appointed by Washington to the Supreme Court. War-dated ALS, one page, 8 x 13, May 6, 1783. Wilson writes to fellow Philadelphia lawyer, Edward Burd, in full: "We proposed to have attended at Chester at least during some Part of the Sessions: But the Arrangements in the Court of Appeals render it impossible for us to be of any Service to our Clients. Will you be good enough to mention this to the Judges, and to the Attorney General, that no Causes which can possibly be postponed may be tried in our Absence? You will also, as you may have opportunity, mention to our Clients the Reason of our Absence." Address panel on reverse is penned in Wilson's hand. Letter affixed to a slightly larger cardstock sheet by its left edge of the second page. In very good condition, with lightly intersecting folds, uniform toning, light spotting, a few spots of mild soiling affecting the text, rough edges, a light pencil notation, and a mild spot of residue from the wax seal on the reverse of the second integral page. During this time, Wilson was serving as the Advocate General for France in America; in January of the same year, he took his seat as a delegate to the General Congress, all the while, enjoying a reputation as one of the most celebrated lawyers in Philadelphia.

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George Ross

Lot 1015: George Ross

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1730-1779). Rare ALS, signed, "Geo: Ross," one page, both sides, 7.5 x 11.75, no date, no place, to his brother Getty in his hometown of New Castle, Delaware. Ross writes a jovial letter to his brother, poking fun at an obese relative, and even invoking a mild racial slur, referring to his brother and a friend as "Creowls" and asking them not to take offense. Ross writes, in full, "It was with the greatest concern I received the account of your illness and had I not been ill of this Govt. at Philada. would have visited you at New Castle as I ever had so shall I forever continue to preserve the most sincere & Brotherly affection for you, and though it is our fate to be settled at a distance from each other yet distance & absence which sometimes lessens the affections will never give the least abatement to mine. I long to see you & my dear little nephew and also to have the pleasure of Mr. Tills company for whom I always had a particular Esteem & am much concerned to hear of his Indisposition[.] I fear the country you live in will shorten all your lives and even render them almost burdensome while you continue what I call Just to breath & not to live I should be very glad[.] It would suit Mr Till & you to come up here & spend some time in our fine wholesome air[.] I am sure it would be for the advantage of you both. Neither of you ought to return this spring to Sussex [County, Delaware] but play & recruit for by what I hear you are almost two Creowls. Now don't you or Till be affronted at this-Nancy wanted much to have gone to New Castle from Philad[elphi]a to see you but the Weather was to[o] severe a great way round home & very bad entertainment on the road-She & Mrs Lawler Joins with me in their love to you Mr: Till your little boy Sercky[?] Caty & all other Friends at New Castle[.] We all wish yours & Caty's speedy recovery she must take a little more of your Fatt[e]ning air-I suppose such is a bluff as ever her good nature keeps her laughing she fattens on it[.] I rec'd her letter and would have wrote to her but the bearer is just going & I have not time-I will not line[?] your patience but conclude my dear Getty with Assuring you that I am." Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in very good condition, with intersecting folds, scattered overall soiling and toning, and old repairs to tiny areas of paper loss. Ross, a successful attorney in Lancaster, was elected to the First Continental Congress in 1774, and was active in government and the law until his death in 1779. What Ross meant by the "Govt. at Philada." is not known, but we presume he meant the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly where he served from 1768 to 1776. Examples of Ross in ALS format are rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only three examples selling at auction since 1975.

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Charles Carroll of Carrollton

Lot 1016: Charles Carroll of Carrollton

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Description: ALS signed "Ch. Carroll of Carrollton," one page both sides, 7.75 x 9.75, November 18, 1825. Letter to James F. Brice. In full: "On my arrival yesterday at this city I found yr letter of the 14th. Wm Nichols told me you have distrained his property: in doing so you acted injudiciously. The articles distrained are valued...to $1934.50. Nichols wishes you to buy on my account the property distrained and to leave it in his hands for sale to hnr my claim agst him of $1686.30 1/4; to your doing so I have no objection & desire you to buy the property. I believe Nichols to be an honest man & will sell the articles, particularly the tobacco better than either of us, and apply the proceeds of sale honestly to the discharge of his debt. The $13.60 due to Mr. Randall for shingles you will allow in...payment of his rent.I have no account with This. F. Hall: was the judgement against him for $53 obtained on his note taken on the sale of Andrew Nichols property, or on the sale of corn made at the Farm, when possession of it was given to him. In the list of notes taken on both sales his name is not included.I observe you pay the postage of your letters to me, this is unnecessary; for the future charged to me the postage of letters you receive from me.Nichols says plaster is of no benefit to the soil of the Farm. I know it is too light for wheat, but plaster will stiffen the soil, improve it by producing clover."Reverse of second integral page bears an address panel in Carrollton's hand, "To James F. Brice, Esqr, Annapolis," and docketed on another panel in an unknown hand. In very good condition, with intersecting folds, one passing between portions of Carrollton's signature, a uniform shade of mild toning, with a couple areas of circular toning to back page of letter, partially separated hinge, and a couple small areas of paper loss to second page. Lengthy correspondence from the then 88 year-old who had long shied away from politics, but remained immersed in his businesses.

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Thomas Stone

Lot 1017: Thomas Stone

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1743-1787). Good slavery-content war-dated partial manuscript ADS, signed "Thomas Stone" within the text, one page, 8 x 8.75, no date [c. 1779] Charles County, [Maryland]. A document concerning a legal dispute over the sale of slaves. Stone writes in part, "...Samuel Love...by Thomas Stone his Attorney complains that the said Thomas Reader on the first-day of March-in the year seventeen hundred and seventy nine-at a certain place called the plantation in Charles County...took the said Negro boy Slave called Ned of the price of three thousand pounds Current Money and the said Negro Girl Slave called Henreitta of the price of three thousand pou[nds] current money...and Testament of the said Samuel Love...and the said slaves unjustly detained..." Lightly trimmed edges, and an area of paper loss (and apparent loss of a few words of text) to the lower half of the right edge expertly restored, otherwise fine condition.From 1774 to 1776, Stone was a member of Maryland's Annapolis Convention, which appointed him as delegate to the Continental Congress in 1775. As a delegate, he voted in favor of the motion to draft a declaration of independence despite Maryland's instructions to vote against it. In June 1775, the Annapolis Convention reversed itself allowing Stone to vote in favor of the Declaration of Independence in July. Material in Stone's hand is quite rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only two ALSs (and one ADS) selling at auction since 1976.

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William Paca

Lot 1018: William Paca

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1740-1799). ALS, signed "Wm. Paca," as Governor of Maryland, one page, 7.25 x 9, March 7, 1783, Annapolis, "In Council," addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to "The Honorable The Intendant," [Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer (1723-1790)]. Paca writes to Jenifer, the Intendant for Revenue for Maryland, concerning his inability to intervene in a case involving the confiscation of Loyalist property at the close of the Revolutionary War. Docketed in an unknown hand on verso, "Gov. & co. Mar. 7, 1783 about the Comms. for Confi[scate]d property." Paca writes, in full, "The Subject mentioned in yours of the 7th We conceived lies within the Department of the Commissioners for the Sale and Preservation of British Property over whom you only have the controlling Power; not being an Affair which can properly come before Us, and There being a Difference of Opinion between you and the Commissioners as to the Practicability and Policy of the Sale, We do not choose to interfere in the Matter, xxxxxxx especially as We have not a Competent knowledge of the Subject." Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), small area of repaired paper loss at left edge, and some bleeding to much of the text from onetime exposure to moisture (not affecting readability or the signature.At the close of the Revolutionary War, the states were burdened with the task of distributing property confiscated from Loyalist residents who had fled the country. Of the approximately 500,000 Loyalists in America in 1775, about a fifth left the country rather than swear allegiance to the United States. St. Thomas Jenifer was an important Maryland patriot serving as president of the state's council of safety from 1775 to 1777. He represented Maryland in the Continental Congress from 1778 to 1782. Dissatisfied with the Articles of Confederation, he attended the Mount Vernon Conference, a meeting that helped lead to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. Letters and documents by Paca are quite scarce. American Book Prices Current cites only 13 examples selling at auction since 1976. .

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William Hooper

Lot 1019: William Hooper

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from North Carolina (1742-1790). Good content and fine association war-dated ALS, signed "W Hooper," one page, both sides, 7.75 x 9.5, with a postscript on the adjoining integral transmittal leaf, no date [prob. September 1779], no place [prob. Wilmington, North Carolina]. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal leaf to fellow Signer Joseph Hewes (1730-1779) in Philadelphia and marked "Free." Hooper begs his friend, in great detail, to furnish him with a fashionable hat (unobtainable in North Carolina) so he does not resemble a mere "butcher boy," and reporting British withdrawals from South Carolina and Georgia to St. Augustine, Florida. Hooper writes in full, "I wrote you a few weeks ago. I hope that scrawl got safe to hand altho the subject matter was not otherwise interesting than as it assured you of my constant remembrance of your kindly attention to me and my earnest wishes to have it in my power to be made convenient to you. This is intended to give you a fresh instance of my readiness to call your obliging disposition into exercise. You must know that I am almost unhatted, my present chapeau would be a scandal to a butcher boy and neither South Carolina nor this state can supply me with a better. Pray apply in my behalf to friend Tybout or some other of the craft and get me a fashionable hat made and forward it to me to Halifax to Gilchrid or to your House at Edenton that I may find it at one or the other at the Sup Court. Some Traveler perhaps may be prevailed upon to bring it along. The longest string enclosed must be the measure of the circumference of the crown of the hat the other of the greatest diameter. My hat you may recollect is one or two sizes larger than yours-I said a fashionable hat I do not mean in the excess, but I approve of large hat as best calculated for this Climate-The short string is perhaps unnecessary. We have no news here, it is said that the Enemy have all of them returned to Augustine except the 71st Regt which is ordered to N York. Remember me respectfully to your Brother delegates. I wrote very lately and very long letter to friend [and fellow NC Signer John] Penn and shall write [Cornelius] Harnet when I hear that he has arrived...P.S. I see advertised in the Phila paper copper plate copy books for Children pray send me one or more of them if there are of different sorts-& let me know the expense both of the hat & them that I may depposite the amount in Contc. with Mr Smith." In very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), trivial pin holes near top edge, scattered overall toning, and writing showing through from opposing sides.We are not sure where Hooper obtained his intelligence, but it appears to be wrong. The 71st Highland regiment, which helped capture Savannah in 1778 and Charleston in 1780 remained in the Southern Theater for the duration of the war. Hooper may have been unknowingly referring to a move by British troops out of South Carolina to help defend Savannah against a combined Franco-American attack in September, 1779. Hooper resigned from the Continental Congress in 1777 and moved home to North Carolina. When Cornwallis moved into Wilmington in 1781, both his city home and his plantation were burned by the British. As a signer, Hooper was a wanted man by the British, and was forced to go into hiding keeping him separated from his family for over a year. In all, the letter is a superb association piece, written to a fellow signer and mentioning a third, with fine content.

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Thomas Nelson, Jr

Lot 1020: Thomas Nelson, Jr

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence and member of the Virginia Delegation to the Continental Congress (1738-1789). Rare ALS signed "Thos. Nelson, Jr.," one page both sides, 7.5 x 9, February 18, 1775. Nelson discusses politics in a letter to Col. Landon Carter on the eve of the Revolution, in full: "It gives me pleasure to find that I am not forgot by my friends at a distance, especially by so respectable a one as yourself. We have been much alarm'd at a report that the New Yorkers had deserted the cause, but it is with joy I acquaint you that that report is contradicted & that the Motion that was rejected was the postponing the consideration of the proceedings of the general congress to a future day; but that they immediately took the matter up & highly approved every thing the Delegates had done. Some people are apt to conceive that things are as they would wish them to be. There is as little foundation for the report concerning, that vile Traitor Ruggles, as for the other. It is true he has drawn up a association in opposition to the Continental one but we are told he has not a single signer to it & that he is obliged to seek for he as (?) Fox like to hide himself in, but it is to be hoped, they will make him bolt before it be long & then I think his chance will be but a bad one.A paragraph in a late English paper says that on the day appointed for the House of Commons to take his majesty's most gracious speech under consideration the Gallery & Lobby were so crowded, that (not by a common Mob, but by a very respectable body of the Peoples among them men of distinction) that they could not proceed to business, redressed sooner than was at first imagined. We have some powerful friends in England; I can not say whether, they are so from principle or from necessity, either will answer our purpose." Address panel on reverse of second integral page is penned in Nelson's hand. In good condition, with three horizontal mailing folds, partial separations along one of the folds, a clear separation of the first page from the second integral page with three strips of reparative tape attaching the two, uniform toning, scattered foxing, moderate show-through from writing on the reverse, a few areas of surface loss affecting the text, several cracks to the page, a few areas of ink erosion, two shadows from a wax seal, and a pencil notation.After the proceedings of the First Continental Congress of October 1774 were postponed to May 1775, and with it an answer to the colonies' grievances, the domino effect that would catapult the colonies into their ultimate fight for freedom would commence. With Pennsylvania and New York seeking resolution with Great Britain, Nelson laments that "We have been much alarm'd at a report that the New Yorkers had deserted the cause." Alternative motivations were surfacing, and "that vile Traitor Ruggles" sought to cross over to the other side: "It is true he has drawn up a association in opposition to the Continental one but we are told he has not a single signer to it & that he is obliged to seek for he as (?) Fox like to hide himself in, but it is to be hoped, they will make him bolt before it be long & then I think his chance will be but a bad one."On November 30th, King George III would deliver his game-changing 'the die is cast' speech, condemning the colony of Massachusetts and decrying a state of rebellion as a response to the Suffolk Resolve. Many still retained hope that a resolve could be reached, Nelson included, citing, "A paragraph in a late English paper says that on the day appointed for the House of Commons to take his majesty's most gracious speech under consideration the Gallery & Lobby were so crowded...that they could not proceed to business, redressed sooner than was at first imagined...We have some powerful friends in England; I can not say whether, they are so from principle or from necessity, either will answer our purpose." But the colonies would see the swift and fierce hand of the British monarchy in action exactly two months to the date of this letter when, on April 18, the colonies would find themselves thrust into the vicious throes of the revolution. The colonists would soon see the vicious result of challenging the British, and the monarchy would soon see the disastrous results of underestimating a people united for freedom.

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Arthur Middleton

Lot 1021: Arthur Middleton

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1742-1787). A radical Whig, Middleton was one of the more vocal members of the South Carolina's Council of Safety and was known for his ruthless treatment of Loyalists. Middleton was imprisoned in 1780 when the British captured Charleston and spent a year in custody in St. Augustine. Rare war-dated ALS, signed with his initials, "A. M.," three pages on two 7.75 x 12.75 sheets, October 29, 1782, Baltimore. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to Charles Pinckney (1757-1824) in Philadelphia. Middleton pens a witty and lengthy letter describing his southward journey home after serving in the Continental Congress since 1781. He also takes time to praise John Hancock and advises his young correspondent to visit him in South Carolina as soon as he had "sown a few more of your young Oats."Middleton writes, in full, "We arrived here last Evening after a tolerably agreeable Journey; considering bad weather, Stumps, Stones craggy hills &ca. we have met with some hairbreadth Scrapes, but came off without accident having got over the worst of the road, we now expect to rode upon Carpets, & outride the Wind-Poor Elliott the first day or two rode upon Pins, now & then damn'd the Sulky, then the blind Horse, then the Liquor Case, (the bottom having jolted out) & Bobby came in for a few Cases-Upon this, as upon all similar Occasions, I recommended Patience, & we now have nothing to do but to think & talk of our Friends, to laugh at difficulties, see our Horses well fed, eat when we can get it & Sleep when we don[']t forget it. In accord we are now in a good train, with a prospect of quick Journey-I inclose you a Letter [not present] to Mr. Hancock; he was a very benevolent worthy man. & took pleasure in doing Kindnesses-I make no doubt he Continues the same unless his government may have Soured his Temper, which is not very probable, as Dignities confer[e]d upon a man of Sense, generally tend to humanize, & I hope you will find it so-Remember me affectionally to the major & his family; tell him I think he will judge right in taking the other road, we have found this hitherto much more broken & disagreeable than I expected-let him know the Two Horses he spared me are well, the large Horse is either a little lame, or shams[?] it but goes very well. & the white foot is too good to run with the rest, as he chooses to draw the whole weight himself, so that he is confused to the sue of George, who had the honour of being nearly starved in the Tower[?]-Acquaint the Major I shall depend upon him his driving directly to the Ashley River where we will make the best preparations for his reception the Times will admit of-I fear he will not find Hay or blades, but hungry Horses will eat Straw-He must not Omit bringing Mrs. M. F. I shall expect-pray make my Love to her, & to Miss Polly my respects to the old Lady, & Compliments to all in the House with you-Mrs. M. F.'s light shines every night to that we see her good works, we have not yet consulted the Bundle of good things, but often think & talk of her without their Assistance, we shall apply to it when we get into the Wilderness- there is a manner of conferring favours, which renders them infinitely more gratefull [sic], there were stolen upon us, & I shall not easily forget them; The Lantern shall be dedicated to the bona Dea, & the Sun, in my Museum; if I have one left-Don[']t forget to acquaint Mrs. Morton (the fat House keeper) if she should call, that the first money I can Tape[?] & Scrape together after I get home shall be forwarded to her-I shall say nothing more to you upon the subject of your Projects; I spoke my mind freely, as I wish you happiness; I know your Father will expect to see you before you embark for Europe, & under that Idea, I make [?] of seeing you in Carol[ina] as soon as you have sown a few more of your young Oats-But go where you will, you are [illeg] of my good wishes, & it will give me pleasure to hear from you-We leave this in a few minutes, & I have not time to correct this scrawl-your [illeg.] eye must therefore excuse Errors of the Pen &ca. Believe that there are not many, but the Hear of Your friend & Servant AM. PS: Elliot presents his Compliments to all in your circle-Nothing new here, either foreign or from the South Adieu-I shall write to Mr. Izard when I have more to say to him." In very good condition, with intersecting folds, nearly complete separation along the hinge, and scattered overall light soiling and staining. A marvelously informal and chatty letter revealing the dynamism of Middleton's personality. Both Pinckney and Middleton had been taken prisoner at Charleston, South Carolina. Pinckney later became an influential delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Examples of Arthur Middleton's autograph are extremely rare. Among the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, he is the third rarest. A search of American Book Prices Current and Americana Exchange reveals only 32 examples of his autograph in any form appearing at auction since 1974. Of those, only seven were war-dated ALSs.Listed in J. Fields, The Autographs of Arthur Middleton, Manuscripts: The First Twenty Years, 85-104, listing the present letter as number 30.

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Edward Rutledge

Lot 1022: Edward Rutledge

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Description: Signer of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1749-1800). ADS, signed four times "Ed: Rutledge," three pages on two sheets, 8 x 13, April 16, 1791. Discharge of debt owed to the estate of James Penman and his heirs by General Anthony Wayne. The first page, in the hand of James' son Edward Penman, lists "Papers deposited by Edwd. Penman with Edwd. Rutledge Esq.," with itemized debts owed by Wayne. Includes a £1,000 Bill of Exchange dated 28 Sept. 1785 drawn by Willem & Jan Willink of Amsterdam and payable to Penman; also "a Bill of Sale of 33 Negroes from Genl. Wayne to E. Penman," a "Lease and release from Genl. Wayne to E. Penman of Richmond & Kew" [Wayne's two rice plantations] and a "Warrant of Atty. by E. Penman to Wm. Lewis Esqr. [Wayne's attorney] of Phila. to enter satisfaction" [on the Pennsylvania judgment]. This list is signed by Rutledge in the lower right corner. The reverse of the first page, entirely in Rutledge's hand, is Penman's release of Wayne's debt. Rutledge writes, in part: "I the said Edward Penman by virtue of the power in me vested has...by these Present, Do remise, release & forever discharge the said Anthony Wayne of & from the payment of the said monies." The release is signed at the top of the third page by Penman and as witnesses by Rutledge and by Richard Wayne, Junr., a cousin who was apparently representing the General.Written below are two endorsements by Rutledge. Under Rutledge's second endorsement is a notarizing endorsement of Penman's signature. In very good condition, with some archival tape repairs to partial separations along horizontal folds, one affecting Rutledge's witnessing signature, scattered toning and soiling, a couple small pencil notations, and a couple small repaired tears.Having received two rice plantations from the state of Georgia in 1782, Revolutionary War hero General 'Mad' Anthony Wayne procured slaves from Penman to tend his fields. When a series of misfortunes ended up costing him both plantations and all of his slaves, he was left with a massive debt of "Five Thousand and Eighty Seven Pounds Eighteen Shillings."Like many Southern politicians of the early Republic, Edward Rutledge held strong pro-slavery views and actively tried to bar African Americans from the Continental Army. Though unsuccessful, his influence remained strong and was a contributing factor in the division of the nation that eventually led to the Civil War. After his service in the American Revolution, he returned to the South Carolina state assembly and his legal practice, where he handled Penman's estate. An exemplary and highly desirable document connecting the Declaration's youngest signer and a key Revolutionary War general.

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(William Howe)

Lot 1023: (William Howe)

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Description: Commander-In-Chief of British Forces in America during the American Revolution (1775-1778). Fascinating manuscript DS, "William Henry Gibson Not Pub," three pages on two adjoining 8 x 12.75 sheets, March 8, 1796, no place. A notarized copy (not signed by Howe) of an affidavit concerning his assertions in which Howe affirms that a large quantity of whale oil and ox hides had been found abandoned when he captured New York City in 1776. The text of Howe's statement reads: "I The Right Honorable Sir William Howe Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, General and late Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in North America &c &c &c Do hereby Certify that in The year one thousand seven hundred and seventy six, when His Majesty's Forces under my Command took possession of the Town of New York, there were found amongst other stores which were abandoned by the Americans, Four thousand Raw Ox Hides and one hundred Barrels of whale oil, and as no person either on behalf of himself or others, did lay Claim to such property, It was by my Orders put under Charge of the Quarter Master Generals Department to be used in His Majesty's Service..." A few spots of foxing to the third page, and a light circular stain on the second page from offsetting of the still-intact white wafer seal, otherwise fine condition.Why Howe was compelled to give this statement is unknown. It may have been that an exiled loyalist had claimed the abandoned property and was attempting to recover some compensation from Howe personally. The British controlled New York City from the fall of 1776 through the spring of 1783.

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Henry Clinton

Lot 1024: Henry Clinton

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Description: British General (1730-1795) who served as Commander-in-Chief in North America (1778-1782). Important war-dated manuscript LS, signed "Henry Clinton," one page, 7.75 x 12.5, September 8, 1781, New York, to Admiral Thomas Graves. Unaware of Graves' defeat at the Battle of Virginia Capes only three days earlier (September 5), Clinton announces that reinforcements bound for Cornwallis at Yorktown were ready to depart New York. Clinton writes, in full, "I have the Honor to inclose you and Lord Cornwallis of the 2n Instant sent by the Pegasus, and of my Letter to Lord Cornwallis of the 6th by a runner. By this last You will find that the Troops are embarked and ready for moving to the Chesapeake the Instant I hear from you. I am persuaded therefore that I need not mention to You, Sir, how anxious I am for that Honor, or how necessary it is to lose no time in reinforcing the Army at York the first moment if becomes possible." Light show-through from three old mounting remnants along extreme top edge, and a small area of edge paper loss at bottom border, otherwise clean, fine condition.Cornwallis arrived in Yorktown in early August 1781 intending to use the small Virginia town as a base for resupply. The following week, Washington, who had been planning a joint Franco-American operation against British-held New York, learned that a French fleet was soon to arrive off the Chesapeake. Washington and Rochambeau quickly altered their plans and began moving their armies to Virginia to take advantage of the situation. On September 5, 1781, De Grasse's fleet battled a British fleet under Admirals Graves and Hood at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. The fight proved inconclusive, but inflicted enough damage to induce the British to withdraw to New York a week later. The French fleet now controlled the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay cutting off Cornwallis' army at Yorktown and sealing his fate.Clinton's promised reinforcements would have to wait days before they realized they would not be going anywhere. Ironically, it was the promise of reinforcements from New York that may have convinced Cornwallis to remain in Yorktown rather than fight his way out when he still had a chance to do so. After a siege lasting several weeks. Cornwallis surrendered to Washington and Rochambeau on October 19, 1781 effectively ending the Revolutionary War.

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Jean Burgoyne

Lot 1025: Jean Burgoyne

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Description: British Major General who led the 1777 expedition from Canada that ended in his surrender at Saratoga: the pivotal American victory that convinced France to become an ally of the United States. Important war-dated LS, signed "J. Burgoyne Lt. Genl.," three pages on two 7.25 x 8.75 sheets, March 20, 1778, Cambridge, [Massachusetts]. Written to Captain [Hew] Dalrymple commanding the frigate Juno advising him that the Continental Congress had granted him a parole for himself and his family to return to Great Britain after his surrender at Saratoga. Burgoyne also makes arrangements for British transports, laden with provisions for the British prisoners-of-war taken at Saratoga encamped near Cambridge, Massachusetts, to approach Boston under a flag of truce. He also makes two references to a "military chest" and, in a postscript "chest of cash" that was to be sent aboard those transports-an article he had officially agreed in the terms of his surrender to turn over to the United States.In full, "My Aide de Camp returned yesterday with the leave of Congress for my self and my family to return to England. I propose to have the pleasure of kissing your hands on board the Juno as soon as the necessary business here can be dispatched. The Congress having thought proper to adhere to the Resolve of the 8th of January respecting the suspension of the Convention, and consequently it must be some months before the matter can be decided. I think it would be [a]greably[?] for the economy of Government to land all the provisions destined for the troops from on board the transports under your command. General Heath will send you herewith an engagement of protection for the said transports to come into Nantasket road [near Hull, Massachusetts], and I request you to make no delay in forwarding that measure. General Heath will also engage for the safe conveyance of the military Chest, which I understand is on board you[rs], and I request you to forward it by a Lieutenant and in a safe vessel which General Heath will furnish. If you were induced to bring the Juno, higher up there will be no difficulty in procuring a parole for her protection, but if it is equal to you I have no manner of objection to going on board while you are in Cape Cod Harbour, and upon the whole rather prefer it as I think it may save time." A short postscript adds, "The vessel sent by General Heath will proceed no further than Nantasket Road, you will therefore send the Chest of Cash on board one of the Transports." In clean, fine condition, with unobtrusive intersecting folds and a trivial thin strip of old mounting remnants along the extreme left edge of the first page. Burgoyne's rare signature is very clear and bold.When Burgoyne capitulated at Saratoga on October 17, 1777, he did not technically 'surrender.' Rather, General Horatio Gates agreed to a 'convention,' in which the British would lay down their arms but instead of remaining in America as prisoners, he and his army would be allowed to return to Europe on a parole guaranteeing they would never return to fight in the conflict. Burgoyne and his army marched under guard to Boston where they were to await transports to return them to Great Britain. Soon thereafter, both sides began to bicker over terms. On January 8, 1778, Congress resolved to suspended the convention, citing a number of breeches of its articles by Burgoyne. (Congress, Journals)On March 3, 1778, the Continental Congress resolved, 'That Lieutenant General Burgoyne, on account of his ill state of health, have leave to embark for England by Rhode Island, or any more expeditious route, with the officers of his family and his servants; that General Heath furnish the necessary passports, accepting a parole from Lieutenant General Burgoyne, Lieutenant Colonel Kingston, and Dr. Wood, that should the embarkation of the troops of the convention of Saratoga be by any means prolonged beyond the time apprehended, those officers will return to America, upon demand and due notice given, and will re-deliver themselves into the power of Congress, unless regularly exchanged.' (Congress, Journals)Congress never authorized the return of the remaining troops during the course of the conflict, fearing that returning those soldiers would simply enable Great Britain to send others in their place. The "Convention Army" (as it became known) remained encamped in Cambridge until 1779, when it was transferred to Virginia where it spent the remainder of the war. Over the years, a good number escaped their confinement-quite a number of whom remained in the United States after the war. Here, Burgoyne arranges for supplies to be delivered from the British headquarters in New York for his captive army. Interestingly, he also makes arrangements for shipping home his "military chest": literally a mobile chest of drawers containing the army's money, accounts, and other vital documents. The term was also used to simply refer to a stash of hard money used to finance an army's campaign. (In the postscript, Burgoyne refers to it as a "chest of cash.") In the surrender negotiations, Horatio Gates agreed to Burgoyne's insistence that he retain his colors, accoutrements and military chest-much to the consternation of Congress. As early as November 22, 1777, a congressional committee complained about the lenient terms given to Burgoyne: 'there is no mention in the said return of standards, military chest, medicines, or tents...' (Congress, Journals). General Horatio Gates explained the chest's absence to Henry Laurens on December 3, 1777, explaining "From the best Accounts the Enemy's Army had been lately cleared Off; so that it is not probable there was any Military Chest." (Laurens, Papers, Nov. 1, 1777 - Mar. 15, 1778, 126) The subject arose several more times in Congress' deliberations in late 1777 and early 1778, but Congress never got their hands on it, and Burgyone was able to go home with his money (and his colors) intact.Burgoyne departed for England a month later in mid-April 1777, embarking from Newport, Rhode Island and arriving at Portsmouth on May 13.* Widely-blamed for the fiasco, upon his return, he was deprived of his regiment among other official humiliations. Burgoyne fought for some time for a trial in an effort to clear his name, but it was never granted. Historians have been more kind to Burgoyne than contemporary public opinion in England, sifting the blame towards Lord German who was responsible for overall strategy in the Campaign of 1777. Instead of insisting that Howe support Burgoyne's expedition from the south, Germain left him free to mount an attack on Philadelphia which placed Burgoyne in his predicament at Saratoga. ___________________*Although some sources claim that Burgoyne departed on April 20, 1778, aboard the frigate Juno (Fonblanque, 333), others note that Burgoyne sailed from Newport aboard the sloop Grampus ("A Diary of the Revolution kept at Newport, April 14, 1778). A newsletter from Portsmouth recorded on May 13 records, "This morning arrived the Grumpus sloop of war form Rhode Island, from which ship Gen. Burgoyne landed about twelve o'clock (See Hadden, A Journal Kept In Canada And Upon Burgoyne's Campaign in 1775 and 1777, 403.)

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Johann Karl Philip De Krafft

Lot 1026: Johann Karl Philip De Krafft

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Description: An archive of eight documents and related notes, dating between 1776 and 1883, together with ephemeral notes relative to the military career of Johann Karl Philip Von Krafft and his descendants in America. Johann Karl Philip von Krafft (1852-1804) was born in Dresden to a career military family and was commissioned an ensign in 1773 in the Prussian army under Frederick the Great. He resigned his commission in 1776 desiring greater adventure in another army. Between 1776 and 1778 he travelled to Russia, Denmark and Quebec unsuccessfully seeking a new officer's commission with a brief service as an American privateer. Von Krafft attempted to secure a position in the Continental Army at Valley Forge in early 1778, but when he could not, he crossed the lines into British-occupied Philadelphia and joined one of the German regiments fighting for the British and saw action at Monmouth and spent the remainder of the war with Henry Clinton's army at New York. At the close of the war, he married Miss Cornelia de la Metre, who as Steuben mentions is a "Girl of no fortune" in New York. After returning with the British Army to England in 1783, he returned to America the following year where is supported his family in New York as a teacher. He then obtained a position as a surveyor and draftsman for the Treasury Department, a position he held until his death. On his return to American, he altered his surname from "von Krafft" to "de Krafft," which was used by his descendants in America. Von Krafft's published journals, covering the years 1776 to 1784, provide a superb alternative primary resource detailing the history of the American Revolution as observed by a European. The present collection features two war-dated letters from significant German commanders in the American Revolution including Friedrich Wilhelm Von Losseberg who commanded German troops at Trenton and Rhode Island. ALS, signed "Lossberg," one page, 7.25 x 8.75, [no date, but early November 1783], [New York], to Von Krafft. With the British army set to evacuate New York City, Lossberg writes [loosely translated], in part, "Concerning the circumstances that you introduced me to, I will report your resignation request to his Excellency and request that yourself stay at your current position. Colonel Von Lengenke will declare the Interims Certificate as good." The collection also includes Maj. Friedrich Heinrrich Sheer, a German officer and prisoner of war captured during the Saratoga campaign. ALS, signed "Scheer," one page, 6.5 x 7.75, May 7, 1783, "Friedrichstown," [Maryland], to von Krafft. Loosely translated in part, "Have found out with much pleasure that His Honorable High Prince had the great pleasure of naming you Ensign in the highly praised Regiment of his Excellency General Lieutenant Von Bose. I congratulate you wholeheartedly and am very obliged that you wanted to report on your own advancement to me in my imprisonment." The collection also includes letters from friends who remain unidentified including an. ALS, signed "DuBois," 7.25 x 9.25, September 17, 1776, writing [likely to von Krafft], in part, "Yesterday's correspondence brought me great distress, even more due to my own miserable circumstances, which allow me no possibility to help your own [circumstance] with money...To this I am adding a recommendation that will hopefully not be without use. Holding you in highest regards." De Krafft was then en route to Amsterdam from St. Petersberg in his quest for military adventure. The group also includes a letter by a friend M. L. Nohs, ALS, one page 7.75 x 12.75, February 8, 1784, Portsmouth Common, [England]. He writes to Baron De Krafft in part, "I am happy to inform you of my safe arrival at home Friday at 2 o'clock, I found all my family well, except my father he has the gout which confines him to his room. I hope your cold is better than when I left you, my cold is a great deal better. The ship General Worme came in is still in the Harbour-I have not been able to find out any other lodging for you yet again you come down, except that you had before at Mr. Tracey's." The material related to his descendants includes an LS by noted American author Caroline Kirkland (1801-1864), four pages with integral leaf, 5 x 8, December 2, 1850, New York, to her cousin Elizabeth S. De Krafft, wife of Captain John Charles Philip De Krafft (1826-1885) commanding the USS Hartford, flagship of the Asiatic Station. She writes in part, "My dear cousin whom I have never seen! Cousin Margaret Wadsworth tells me your thinking of coming to New York-and I write these few words to say that I hope you will do so, and come directly to my house. Where my daughters and myself will be happy to see you and show you what we can of this great Babylon." Captain Charles De Krafft fought in the Civil War in the Western Blockading Squadron, continuing his famous relative's military tradition. Also present is a manuscript manifest, two pages 6 x 10, no date, listing items purchased by Capt. De Krafft in Japan for his family together with also a handwritten ANS by Cornelius De Krafft, 7.5 x 5, referencing the circumstances of his birth and travels from Philadelphia to Georgia in 1800 as well as an ALS by Civil War officer Thomas H. Edsall, four pages with integral leaf 4.5 x 6.5, December 2, 1883. To J. W. de Krafft concerning a missing leaf left out of a journal regarding de Krafft's grandfather which he wants to translate and return with regard to a history he is writing. A terrific collection of material worthy of further research.

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Benedict Arnold

Lot 1027: Benedict Arnold

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Description: Major General in the Continental Army during the American Revolution who distinguished himself at Saratoga (1740-1801). One of Washington's most skilled and able generals, he turned traitor in an infamous plot to turn over the fortress at West Point to the British. Superb war-dated ALS, signed "B. Arnold," and again "Arnold" several times in text, one page, both sides, 8 x 13, September 16*, 1780, "Head Quarters Robinsons House" [West Point, New York], to his sister Hannah Arnold in Philadelphia. Written only days before he would meet with John André to finalize his plans to turn the Hudson River stronghold of West Point over to the British, Arnold reports to his sister the safe arrival of his wife, Peggy Shippen Arnold (1760-1804), at West Point and inquires on his three sons who were in his sister's care.Arnold writes, in full, "I set down to answer your favor of hand of Mrs Arnold three days since. She arrived here without any accident but very much fatigues as was the Dear Little Boy, who has a very sore head. They are both much resurrected, & Mrs Arnold has an exceeding good appetite. I am extremely unhappy to hear the Dear Little Boys in Maryland are discontented, but I cannot suppose as you seem to imagine that they are in want of the necessities of Life. The luxuries, I believe they have not, but I am assured by every Gentleman whom I have seen that has visited the School, that Mr Booth keeps a plentiful Table of good plaine [sic] Dishes Food. I hope they will have more prudence than to leave the School. I have no doubt of them being treated with kindness, then, but if they should continue to be Discontented I will remove them next Spring to some new school. Mrs Arnold informs me it is very Sickly in Phild[elphi]a. I am very apprehensive for you and my Dear Henry,-the situation of my Family divided and at such a distance from our side is very disagreeable indeed. Mrs Arnold informs me the there is a prospect of producing the house full that Mr Allen owned. The situation is disagreeable but the house I believe is convenient. If it can be produced. I suppose Mr Shippen will wish you to move the beginning of the next month. Inclosed is a Letter for the D[ea]r Boys in Maryland which I wish you to forward the first opportunity, with any Articles they may write for which you think necessary for them. Give present my tender love to my D[ea]r Henry kiss him for me, & tell him a comfort He will write to me. Present my affectionate respects to all The Family at the Cottage, Mr & Mrs Bent, Mr & Mrs Meade & Compl[imen]ts. to all Friends. Tell Scotty & Mary I am & believe me very sincerely & affectionately Yours" Arnold adds a short postscript, "The Linen of Mount Vincent from McPherson to son James Mrs Arnold tells me is in the closet in Her Chamber. I wish you to look for and give it to Mr [Edward?] Shippen." Somewhat irregular gray toning over the first few lines of text (not affecting readability), a couple of trivial old mounting remnants on the second page, and stamps of the Mercantile Library and Tomlinson Collection at the bottom of the second page, otherwise fine condition.The letter is an incredible testament to Arnold's ability to compartmentalize his life. At the time of writing, Arnold was in the midst of conspiring with the British but he writes to his sister as if nothing special was afoot, musing on the future of his sons as if he would remain in his place for some time. On September 21 1780, Arnold met with the British emissary John André and made the final arrangements to deliver his command at West Point to the British. Two days later, however, the plot was discovered when André was caught carrying incriminating papers by New York militia near Tarrytown. On hearing the news, Arnold fled to General Clinton in New York City on September 25. André, the dashing 31-year-old English major, well-liked on both sides, was not as lucky. He was tried and hung as a spy on October 2, 1780.Arnold left his wife behind when he escaped to New York aboard the H.M.S. Vulture. When Washington arrived in West Point, he reporetly encountered a hysterical Peggy Shippen Arnold-emphatically denying any knowledge of her husband's plot. Because her family, the Shippens of Philadelphia, were known for their loyalist leanings, she was under suspicion but for a lack of evidence never arrested or charged. She soon returned to Philadelphia with her infant child but on October 20, 1780, the authorities warned her out of the city. She crossed the lines to New York to join her husband. Arnold had expected to be handsomely awarded and honored by the British. He was to be sorely disappointed for he never received a major command as his new allies never trusted him fully. He received a brigadier general's commission and led an expedition into Virginia in late 1780. After the war, Arnold pursued a failed mercantile business in New Brunswick and spent the remainder of his life, unhappy and unwelcome, in London. In the present letter, Arnold refers to his sons, the three from his first marriage to Margaret Mansfield, two of whom, Benedict (1768-1795) and Richard (1769-1847) were then living in Maryland at a boarding school. The youngest, Henry (1772-1826), stayed with Arnold's sister. Benedict Jr. later joined the British Army and died in action in Jamaica in 1795. Richard and Henry both joined their father during his time in New Brunswick. Richard spent the remainder of his life in Ontario while Henry lived in New York City. Letters and documents written and signed by Arnold from the eve of his treason in September 1780 are rare and extremely desirable. We have been able to source only eight examples datelined at West Point appearing at auction in the past century. As far as can be ascertained, this letter is the closest by date to Arnold's fateful meeting with André and his defection to the British than any other offered at auction (the next nearest to the date of Arnold's defection is September 8).Provenance: The Marshal B. Coyne Collection.______________*The transcript that accompanied the piece identified the date as September 10. After some study of other known letters by Arnold from that period, we are of the opinion that the previous cataloger was mistaken and the date is September 16, not the 10th.

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Charles Cornwallis

Lot 1028: Charles Cornwallis

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Description: British General who served in America from 1776 to his surrender at Yorktown in 1781. Governor General of India (1786-1793), Lord Lieutenant of Irleand (1798-1801). Excellent content ALS, signed "Cornwallis," four pages on two adjoining 7.25 x 9 sheets, September 14, 1794, Brome, to Henry Dundas (1742-1811) William Pitt the Younger's Secretary of State for War. Recently returned from India, Cornwallis informs Dundas of his disinclination to become Commander-in-Chief of the British Army and giving his recommendations for the following year's campaign against France during the War of the First Coalition.Cornwallis writes, in full, "Your letter of yesterday's date has relieved me from much anxiety of mind, as I was very apprehensive from the summary mode of proceeding to which Lord Grenville seemed to incline by what he said after dinner at Wimbledon, that I should have been hurried into the most embarrassing and dangerous situation possible, with every prospect of ruin to myself, and very little probability of rendering any essential service to my country. I trust that the Duke of York was apprised that nothing could be more repugnant to my inclination and wishes than to assume the command of the army, and that I saw as strongly as himself the impossibility of his serving, or even remaining with the army under me. I conclude that I am now completely ruined at St. James's, indeed I could not be much worse than I was before, but that is a circumstance that will not disturb my rest, nor abate in the smallest degree my attachment & affection for the Great Personage, from whom I have formerly received much favor and kindness.I cannot judge without much more circumstantial information whether our army will be able to maintain a more forward position during the next winter; I suppose it must depend, as well as the recapture of Antwerp, upon our next gaining some very decided advantage over the enemy soon after our troops are put into motion; I always conceived the two measures, of a forward movement, and the exchange of Lord Moira's corps, to be absolutely incompatible. I perfectly agree with Lord Moira in thinking that if our accounts of the strength of the Royalists is correct, and not exaggerated, it would require at least 20,000 good British troops to undertakes any solid operations in France; and indeed a much larger body would be required to afford any very sanguine hopes of success. As to myself I can only repeat, that whilst I am able, I shall ever be ready to serve my country; but you must remember that Lord M. will no more serve under me than H.R.H. would, and I think you should not lightly deprive yourselves of the services of the former, who as a soldier is in my opinion of the two, the most worth retaining. I return you all the papers, except the printed paper from India, which I have not had time to read; It is more unjust than unusual to abuse a man for his measure before it is known what they are to be, but I think the matter too contemptible to make it worth your while to trouble yourself about him. I will come to you to talk over the arrangement of the India army whenever you please after the end of this month, but I should be sorry to be absent from Suffolk from more than three or four days at a time unless it was absolutely necessary. I have however not only declared, but shown my readiness to attend, whenever Mr. Pitt and yourself have wished to see me." In fine condition, with evidence of an old removed mounting remnant along the extreme right edge of the last page, and writing showing through from opposing sides.Surprisingly, the defeat at Yorktown did little to dampen Cornwallis' career prospects. He returned to England with Benedict Arnold and was greeted as a hero, though his strategic blunders were used by his political enemies against him. In 1786, Cornwallis was appointed Governor-General of India. For his military and diplomatic successes there he was created Marquess Cornwallis.Cornwallis' message to the Duke of York must have been heard loud and clear. Upon his return to India in 1794, he was sent on several fruitless diplomatic missions and then appointed Master of the Ordnance, responsible for overseeing the army's entire infrastructure. In 1798, he became Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a post he held until 1801. In 1805, Pitt again appointed him Governor General of India, and Cornwallis died there the same year. A superb letter written by one of the most important military figures in the Revolutionary War.

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George Washington

Lot 1029: George Washington

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Description: Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army and the first President of the United States (1731/2-1799). Important war-dated manuscript LS, signed "Go: Washington," one page, 7.25 x 11.5, August 6, 1782, Newburgh, New York, with integral address leaf bearing his franking signature, "Go: Washington." A letter to Major Villefranche concerning plans for the French officer to construct a powder magazine at West Point. In full, "I was informed by the Genl. Paterson, that the place assigned by Majr. Genl. Knox & others for erecting the Magazine, was in your opinion very unfit for the purpose; if this is the case, I wish you to point out some other place on West Point, and give your reasons in writing, as soon as possible, why you prefer it to the place first mentioned." In fine condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), and a faint block of uniform overall toning from prior display (a bit heavier along the edges). The lightly-soiled integral address leaf has an expected area of seal-related paper loss far from any writing, and a trivial brush to Washington's remarkable franking signature.A fine content war-dated letter written in the closing days of the Revolutionary War with peace negotiations ongoing in Paris. Despite the relative calm, the British still controlled New York City, and Washington remained wary of their intentions and desired to reinforce this important stronghold on the Hudson River. To accomplish this he turned to Jean Louis Ambroise de Genton, Chevalier de Villefranche, a French soldier and engineer who had joined the Continental Army in 1776. During the war, he rose to major in the Corps of Engineers. He also was familiar with the post's defenses having worked on them in the past. After preparing a full report on the repairs needed for West Point, Washington ordered the project to go forward on April 18, 1782, with Villefranche in charge. On July 4, 1782, the Board of War ordered that West Point become an official repository for gunpowder and authorized the construction of a magazine. Washington, in consultation with Henry Knox, selected a location and began construction. Villefranche's case for why the location should have been moved is unrecorded in Washington's papers, but his case must have been persuasive. The site of the magazine was evidently moved to Constitution Island, which lay directly across the Hudson from West Point. On August 12, construction began there on a magazine that would hold 1,000 barrels of powder. Washington was impressed enough with Villefranche to recommend his promotion to Congress in 1783, and in May 1783, he was made a lieutenant colonel.

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Nathanael Greene

Lot 1030: Nathanael Greene

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Description: Major General in the Continental Army (1742-1786). He entered the army as a private and rose to become one of Washington's most able and dependable general officers. He is best known for his exploits in the Southern Theater where he single-handedly reversed the tide of the war from 1780 to 1781. His actions set the stage for Cornwallis' defeat at Yorktown. War-dated ALS, signed "N Greene," one page, both sides, 7.25 x 9, February 23, 1783, "Headquarters," [Charleston, South Carolina], addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to General George Weaden (1734-1793) and adding his franking signature, "N Greene." Greene writes, in full, "I will only write you a line of remembrance as May or Forsyth can give you all the news. I would not write this but to convince you that you hold the same esteem and regard with me that you ever did. Mrs Greene is very unwell and what is very uncommon with her is rather low spirited[.] She talks of going to the Northward this spring. I hardly think she will but her children begin to urge her return. She desires her kind compliments to you and Mrs Weaden and all others of her acquaintance please to add mine also." Intersecting folds, a few light stains, and minor paper loss along the hinge, otherwise fine condition.Weedon had commanded a brigade in Nathanael Greene's division at Valley Forge. At Yorktown, Weedon's brigade repelled the infamous Banastre Tarleton, closing the means of British escape at Gloucester Point. At the end of the war, the Rhode Island-born Greene settled in Georgia after that state, together with North and South Carolina awarded him large tracts of land as a reward for his services against the British. A fine example of Greene's hand, accomplished in the closing days of the Revolutionary War.

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Benjamin Lincoln

Lot 1031: Benjamin Lincoln

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Description: Major general in the Continental Army (1733-1810) during the American Revolutionary War, known for being the officer who formally accepted the British surrender at Yorktown. ALS signed "B. Lincoln," one page both sides, 7.75 x 12.5, November 24, 1784. Lincoln writes from Boston to Virginia lawyer, William Lyles, in part: "I have not a doubt but the expence attending the warehouse rent was indisputably necessary or otherwise it would never have taken place. For the same reason I acquiesce in all the charges of disbursement you have made. I expect Captain Clark will sail again for Alexandria about the middle for December, perhaps before I have it in contemplation to fill his hold with white pine board. If this should not take place, he shall sail by the 10th of next month." Address panel on reverse of second integral page penned in Lincoln's hand. In very good condition, with light intersecting folds, lightly affecting the first letter of the signature, uniform toning, some light scattered soiling, show-through from the writing on reverse, a few small areas of restored paper along the left edge, two small separations at the right edge, a few strips of reparative tape along the folds on the second integral page, and two shadowed areas from a wax seal. Just one month prior, Lincoln was denied the honor of surrendering to British troops in South Carolina, legislature opting to negotiate with the enemy to allow them passage through the state. He then rejoined Washington's army, leading the men to Virginia where he would become an integral figure in the surrender at Yorktown.

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Friedrich von Steuben

Lot 1032: Friedrich von Steuben

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Description: Prussian officer who in 1777, volunteered his services to the Continental Army (1730-1794). Appointed as Inspector General, he was responsible for transforming Washington's army into a professional force capable of meeting the British in open battle. Fine content ALS, signed "Steuben," one page, both sides, 7 x 8.75, June 1, 1784, New York, addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to "Major General Laughlin [sic] McIntosh in Georgia. "Von Steuben introduces Baron Johann Carl Philip von Krafft (1752-1804) a German soldier who had fought with the British as a mercenary during the Revolutionary War after failing to obtain a commission from George Washington in 1778.Von Steuben writes, in full, "This will be delivered you by Mr de Kraft [J. C. von Krafft] a Gentleman of an exceeding good family in Saxony who came over to this Country in the Services of the Prince of Hesse-but marrying in this place a Girl of no fortune and being on that account deserted by his Parents he has returned to this Country with the View if possible to establish himself[.] Mr de Kraft has had a good education, is well acquainted with the Military Mathematics and is an excellent Draughtsman he has some knowledge also of Civil Architectures-If in the business of Surveying land-as an engineer-or as any other line he can find employ for his talents I have no doubt he will render himself both useful and agreeable-Permit me my dear Sir to solicit your protection for him in Georgia, he wishes to establish himself in that state and if you can in any matter second his Views or afford him any assistance, I shall be such obliged to you." Intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), repairable clean split along the central horizontal fold, light soiling, and writing showing through from opposing sides, otherwise fine condition.Johann Karl Philip von Krafft (1752-1804) was born in Dresden to a career military family and was commissioned an ensign in 1773 in the Prussian army under Frederick the Great. He resigned his commission in 1776 desiring greater adventure in another army. Between 1776 and 1778 he travelled to Russia, Denmark and Quebec unsuccessfully seeking a new officer's commission with a brief service as an American privateer. Von Krafft attempted to secure a position in the Continental Army at Valley Forge in early 1778, but when he could not, he crossed the lines into British-occupied Philadelphia and joined one of the German regiments fighting for the British and saw action at Monmouth and spent the remainder of the war with Henry Clinton's army at New York. At the close of the war, he married Miss Cornelia de la Metre, who as Steuben mentions is a "Girl of no fortune" in New York. After returning with the British Army to England in 1783, he returned to America the following year where he supported his family in New York as a teacher. He then obtained a position as a surveyor and draftsman for the Treasury Department, a position he held until his death. Von Krafft's published journals, covering the years 1776 to 1784, provide a superb alternative primary resource detailing the history of the American Revolution as observed by a European.Lachlan McIntosh (1725-1806) was a Scots-born Georgia military and political leader. He is most famous for his duel with Georgia Signer Button Gwinnett. McIntosh later served as commander of the Western Department based at Fort Pitt and in 1779 he joined Benjamin Lincoln in Georgia in a failed attempt to retake Savannah from the British. He was also present at Charleston in 1780 and was taken prisoner after the city surrendered.

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