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Auction Description for Profiles in History: The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector
Viewing Notes:
American History -- Lots 1-104
American Literature -- Lots 105-131
Art & Architecture -- Lots 132-147
English Literature -- Lots 148-165
English History -- Lots 166-181
Entertainment -- Lots 182-190
European History -- Lots 191-205
European Literature -- Lots 206-215
Music -- Lots 216-246
Science & Medicine -- Lots 247-287
Sports -- Lots 288-299 Descriptive definitions Manuscripts: Autograph letter signed- entire letter and signature is in the hand of the author. Letter signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the text is in the hand of a secretary. Typed letter signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the letter is typewritten. Document signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the Document is in the hand of a secretary or scribe. Autograph note signed-entire note and signature in the hand of the author. Autograph musical quotation signed- entire musical quotation, text and signature is in the hand of the composer. Autograph Manuscript Signed - entire manuscript and signature is in the hand of the author. Books: In bibliographical contexts, format is used to indicate the size of a volume in terms of the number of times the original printed sheet has been folded to form its constituent leaves. The most common forms are: Folio- each sheet is folded once-approximately 11 x 14 inches or larger. Quarto- each sheet is folded twice-approximately 8 x 10 inches. Octavo- each sheet is folded three times-approximately 5 x 7 inches. Condition definitions Manuscripts and Books: Foxed/foxing- spotted or discolored patches on manuscript pages of book leaves. Washed- cleaning of manuscript pages or book leaves with a chemical rinse to remove spots, stains or blemishes. Silked- when manuscript pages or book leaves are very fragile or in need of repair, they can be faced on both sides with a thin, virtually transparent textile like fine silk or cotton gauze for reinforcement.
Sale Notes:
In the wake of Hurricane Sandy, Fraunces Tavern and Museum remain closed. The public exhibition of highlights for our 18 December sale, The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector, Part I, has been moved to the following venue: Douglas Elliman's Madison Avenue Gallery 980 Madison Avenue (between 76th and 77th Street) New York, New York 10021 The exhibition will be open to the public December 3-9 from 11am to 6pm daily. Private viewings by appointment only will take place December 10-14. Please contact Marsha Malinowski at info@marshamalinowski.com or Profiles in History at 310-859-7701 to schedule an appointment.

The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector

by Profiles in History

Platinum House

298 lots with images

December 18, 2012

Live Auction

26901 Agoura Road

Suite 150

Calabasas Hills, CA, 91301 USA

Phone: 310-859-7701

Fax: 310-859-3842

Email: Info@profilesinhistory.com

298 Lots
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Darwin, Charles. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 x 4 3/8 in.; 178 x 111 mm.)

Lot 252: Darwin, Charles. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 x 4 3/8 in.; 178 x 111 mm.)

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Description: 252. Darwin, Charles.  Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 x 4 3/8 in.; 178 x 111 mm.), “Down House,” 15 March [1870], to Sir Edwin Ray Lankester; some soiling, mounting remnant at left margin of first page. Darwin writes to Sir Edwin Ray Lankester complimenting him on his book On Comparative Longevity in Man and the Lower Animals.  Darwin states that he was unable to resist telling him how much he enjoyed his book andthat he finds all his views Highly suggestive, and to my mind that is high praise, expressing his pleasure at Lankester’s references to my much despised child ‘Pangenesis’ as well as his mutual appreciation of Herbert Spencer- by far the greatest philosopher in England. Sir Edwin Ray Lankester (1847-1929) had known Darwin since his childhood.  His career culminated in his appointment as director of Natural History and keeper of Zoology in the British Museum.  His numerous publications included books of a general nature, of whichComparative Longevitywas the first. Scientific imagination and penetrating insight distinguished all his work: for speculation remote from facts he had no liking. Regarding Comparative LongevityDarwin says I was all the more interested, as I am now writing on closely allied although not quite identical points--a reference to his The Descent of Man. Pangenesis was a term coined by Darwin in The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, 1868, but his notion found little support.  The term “gene” however is descended from Darwin’s pangenesis.  Hugo de Vries called his material units pangenes to honour Charles Darwin. The name gene, given to the hereditary unit by Johannsen, was derived from de Vries’s pangene. Darwin’s unbridled enthusiasm for Herbert Spencer is remarkable (by far the greatest philosopher in England; perhaps equal to any that lived), and at odds with his usual wariness of Spencer’s metaphysics. Published in The Life and Letters, 1887, Volume III, page 120.

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Darwin, Charles. Autograph manuscripts, 2 pages (12 5/8 x 8 in.; 321 x 203 mm.), [1870s]

Lot 253: Darwin, Charles. Autograph manuscripts, 2 pages (12 5/8 x 8 in.; 321 x 203 mm.), [1870s]

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Description: 253. Darwin, Charles. Autograph manuscripts, 2 pages (12 5/8 x 8 in.; 321 x 203 mm.), [1870s]. The first side contains Darwin’s notes for his work, Insectivorous Plants, and the reverse, a discussion of an operation apparently concerned with regeneration; scattered spotting. Darwin’s notes on insectivorous plants and regeneration. Darwin’s notes for his 1875 work: Several atoms of meat were placed on several glands. In the course of 13m+ all the sub-marginal tentacles on a leaf became completely inflected but those with the atoms of meat not in the least degree more than the others. On a second...leaf the tentacles with meat, as well as a few others, were moderately inflected. On a third leaf all the tentacles were closely inflected, though meat had not been placed on any of their glands. I presume that this movement was due to the excitement from the absentia of oxygen. After 24th the third leaf was fully re-expanded, whereas the two other leaves, on which atoms of meat had been placed now had all their tentacles closely inflected in a normal manner. We thus see that these leaves had probably recovered from the effects of the gas after an interval of 24 hours. On another occasion some five plants were left for 2 h. in carbonic acid, and immediately on being removed atoms of meat were placed on some glands, and within 12+m after being exposed to the open air, the tentacles on almost all the leaves moved and became vertical or sub-vertical. But these were affected in an extremely singular manner.... They remained for several hours in this position without becoming more curved and thus touching the centre. The tentacles. . . . Darwin explains in the first chapter of Insectivorous Plants: “During the summer of 1860, I was surprised by finding how large a number of insects were caught by the leaves of the common sun-dew (Drosera rotundifolia) on a heath in Sussex. I had heard that insects were thus caught, but knew nothing further on the subject.” At first Darwin spent time on Drosera when he “had nothing to do,” but as he became more and more intrigued with the habits of insectivorous plants he began ‘working like a madman’ and told Lyell that he cared “more about Drosera than the origin of all the species in the world.” Forced to turn his attention to other matters, however, Darwin was not able to take the subject up again until 1872, when he began preparing his “pile of experiments” for publication in 1875. Darwin’s notes for an operation apparently involving regeneration: Mrs. Darwin explained that Lyne made a cutting at the first operation ori Dec. 5 which makes clear an expression in the diary for Jan. 9th. She then says that Lyne fully agreed with her father that the stump had grown between the operation on Dec. 5th, 1850 and that on May 9th, 1851. The stump which was removed on May 9th included a bone, but bore no nail.’’ She adds, We thought that Prof. Lyne felt a little annoyed about the business, as he had tried to cut as close as he could the first time (ie. on Dec. 5) when he made frrst one cutting and then another. After the second operation on May 9th, 1851, she goes on to say: We could see and feel how much it grew afterwards. It is now (for no attempt has been made to remove it again) a rather large ugly excrescence, certainly containing a bone, but without any nail. (Mrs. D. has written to Prof. Lyne’s nephew and executor to hear of any notes.) A fascinating manuscript on two different subjects of great interest to Darwin.

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Darwin, Charles. On the Origin of Species, 1859.

Lot 254: Darwin, Charles. On the Origin of Species, 1859.

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Description: 254. Darwin, Charles On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.  London: [W Clowes and Sons for] John Murray, 1859. Octavo (7 7/8 x 4 7/8 in.; 200 x 124 mm.),  Half-title verso with quotations by Whewell and Bacon, folding lithographed diagram by W. West, 32- page publisher’s catalogue dated June 1859 at the end (Freeman’s form 3); a few light spots in first leaves.  Publisher’s blind panelled green grained cloth (with Edmonds & Remnants ticket), spine gilt (Freeman’s variant 1), brown-coated endpapers, in a green-cloth drop-box; slight rubbing on joints with a bit of color restoration at top of upper joint, 1/8 inch tear in top edge of upper cover. A handsome copy of “The most important single work in science” (Dibner, Heralds of Science), which still remains a foundational pillar of modern scientific endeavor alongside relativity and quantum mechanics.  Darwin’s theory of natural selection, which has been called  “design without a designer” (Francisco J. Ayala) displaced humans as the epicenter of the natural world, just as Copernicus had cast out the earth from the center of the universe before him. The entire text is essentially an introduction to, and amplification of the iconoclastic thesis that Darwin abstracts at the beginning of chapter 4: many more individuals are born than can possibly survive [l]ndividuals having any advantage, however  slight, over others, would have the best chance of surviving  and procreating their kind ... [A]ny variation  in the least degree injurious would be rigidly destroyed.  This preservation of favourable variations and the rejection of injurious variations, I call Natural Selection. The book, stripped of references and academic paraphernalia, was aimed not at the specialists but directly at the reading  public ... John Murray  agreed to publish it sight unseen.  Darwin arranged with Murray to send out a large number of complimentary copies, fearing the publication would be a catastrophe.  In the event the 1,250 print-run was oversubscribed and caused an immediate sensation, requiring Murray to initiate a reprint almost immediately after publication. Together with: Autograph manuscript unsigned 11 pages (7 7/8 x 6 ¼ in.; 200 x 159 mm.),  [Down House, ca. 1846] being an extensive list of trees and plants for his orchards, walks and gardens at Down House; marginal browning and spotting, pinholes at top left corner of first page. Trees and plants for the orchards, walks and gardens at Down House. Down House stands south of Downe, a village 14.25 miles southeast of London’s Charing Cross. Darwin moved into Down House in 1842 and proceeded to make extensive alterations to the house and the grounds. In 1846, Darwin rented , and later purchased, a narrow strip of land of 1.5 acres adjoining the Down House grounds to the southwest. He named it Sandwalk Wood and had a wide variety of trees planted and ordered a gravel path known as the “sandwalk” to be created around the perimeter. Darwin’s daily walk of several circuits of his path served both for exercise and quiet contemplation. The present manuscript contains lengthy lists of a wide array of trees and plants for his expanding grounds. He begins with a large selection of trees for his orchard including apple, pear, apricot and cherry trees. Subsequent pages include a list of vines, shrubs and flowering plants to be situated against house beginning east side. The last two pages contain a list of plants, many flowering for the front of house garden and right or west side going along walk to garden. An extraordinary manuscript revealing Darwin’s great interest in his lush grounds at Down House. References:  Dibner 199; Freeman 373; Grolier/Horblit 23b: Grolier/Medicine 70b; Norman 593; PMM 344b Provenance:  Sarah B. Wheatland (embossed ownership stamp on front endpaper).

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Darwin, Charles. Letter signed (

Lot 255: Darwin, Charles. Letter signed ("Ch. R Darwin"), 1 page (8 ¼ x 7 ¾ in.; 210 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 255. Darwin, Charles.  Letter signed (“Ch. R Darwin”), 1 page (8 ¼ x 7 ¾ in.; 210 x 197 mm.), “50a Albemarle Street,” 23 February 1871, receipt with endorsement; horizontal fold reinforced. The receipt signed by Darwin for payment by the publisher for the first edition of The Descent of Man.    Received of Mr. John Murray the sum of Six Hundred and thirty pounds for the first edition, consisting of 2500 copies, of my work on the “Descent of Man”, the text in the hand of a publishing-house clerk, signed by Darwin (with rare form of signature; “Ch. R. Darwin”) over an Inland Revenue one-penny stamp According to Darwin’s son (The Life and Letters of Darwin, 1887, III, page 131), the last revision of The Descent of Manwas corrected on 15 January 1871.  The book had occupied him for three years.  He wrote to Sir J. Hooker: “I finished the last proofs of my book a few days ago; the work half-killed me, and I have not the most remote idea whether the book is worth publishing.”  It was published on the day after the signing of the present receipt, the first issue running 2,500 copies, with a further 5,000 copies produced before the end of the year. Darwin is recorded as receiving altogether  £1,470 for the work. The present receipt is a vividly evocative memento of one of the great milestones of scientific publishing.  

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Darwin, Charles. The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex. London: John Murray, 1871.

Lot 256: Darwin, Charles. The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex. London: John Murray, 1871.

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Description: 256. Darwin, Charles.  The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex. London: John Murray, 1871. Two volumes, octavo, (7 ¾ x 5 ¼ in.; 197 x 133 mm.), With errata on verso of title in volume II, verso of half title in volume II bearing printer’s note, tipped in leaf (pp. ix-x), and on page 297 in volume I, first word “transmitted.”Original green cloth, gilt-stamped, custom box. First edition, first issue of Darwin’s Descent of Man.Extremely bright copy, bindings clean and sound with only slight wear to extremities, interiors bright. Descent of Man grew out of the book on Variation.  It was Darwin’s original intention to give a chapter on Man, as the most domesticated of animals. But it soon became evident that a separate treatise must be given to the subject. His matured store of facts and thoughts could now be fully expanded.  Darwin wrote, in the preface to the second edition, of ‘the fiery ordeal through which this book has passed.’ He had avoided the logical outcome of the general theory of evolution, bringing man into the scheme, for twelve years.  The book, in its first edition, contains two parts: The descent of man itself, and a selection in relation to sex. The word ‘evolution’ occurs, for the first time in any of Darwin’s works.   References: Freeman, Bibliographical Handlist, 128-129.

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DeForest, Lee. Remarkable archive of five autograph letters signed, 24 pages

Lot 257: DeForest, Lee. Remarkable archive of five autograph letters signed, 24 pages

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Description: 257. DeForest, Lee. Remarkable archive of five autograph letters signed (“Doc” and “Lee DeForest”), 24 pages, various sizes [ca. 1905-1940]. To his chief technician Harry Mack Horton and his wife together with: Photograph of DeForest inscribed and signed: To my dear old friend ‘Mac,’ Comrade & helper in the good old days of Wireless, ‘When there weren’t no Radio Commission’ and a man could raise an antenna--to suit his own street will! And how many we raised! Yours till the mast falls--‘Doc.’ An important archive from “Father of Radio” Lee DeForest to his chief technician, Harry Mack Horton, highlighted by his early radio experiments and an extraordinary letter in which he lambasts Marconi. A pioneer in wireless telegraphy and radiotelephony, he patented over 300 inventions, including the audion--the third electrode (or “grid”) for electron tubes, making possible the large-scale amplification of radio signals (1906). His letters to Harry Mack Horton, his right hand man, clearly reveal a close personal and professional bond over an extended period and exhibit rich content featuring his early days of constructing of wireless towers and experimentation in radio. Some highlights from the archive: In the lengthy letter of 12 March [1935], DeForest writes in part: I’m so sorry to learn that you have again been fearfully ill. You poor dear, you’ve had far more than your share of sickness. And it’s a damned shame too that in these late years the curses of Marconi, via his R.C.A. bastard child, has followed you, to rob you of your well-earned deserts. But such is life of a wireless Man--& always has been, with you Mac, it would seem! Yet you & I have very much to feel deeply thankful for--each a queen of a wife--at last--& you with 2 fine sons; & lots of grit & courage, & philosophy to look upon the sunny side of life, to see its good points, its humor, & some of its fineness which doesn’t cost much in money if one has acquired the character to appreciate it all. How I relish reading your fine, flowing ‘fist’ again, Mac. Don’t be so sparing of it henceforth. The bright spot of that trip east in 1932 was the half day or so I spent with you, reliving the brave old days at the start of this century, when we were young & full of ideas & courage--& foolishness. We started big things then, Boy, in a small way, warily & determinedly; But we were too honest, too trusting, to go on with the fine start we made when the wolves & the Hebrews of Wall St. got a scent of our blood. Many a time have I looked back & thought how different would have been the history of American Wireless had I had sense enough to sell a few hundred thousand dollars worth of my Am. De F. W. stock in 1905, & laid by a ‘war-chest,’ to buy in the Co’s. assets after the collapse of White & Wilson. Any wise boy could have foreseen what was bound to befall the enterprise under their brigand management. But I was not wise.” In the letter from Pensacola, July 31 [ca. 1905], DeForest writes in part: Is it absolutely impossible for you to get power say 4 a.m. for a few tests?  We will send at any old time to you when we get fixed up.  Found some of these wires 216 ft. some 193 ft. long--& the skyline sagging a good 25 ft. in middle.  Am putting in a light steel cable in place of this [?] skyline; will make all lines same length, & split the four a la Buffalo.  Found Iredell using 3 osc. & 22 antenna - not much chance to get us on such a tune, I figure ¾ & 12, or 1 ¼ & 14 are in tune (by hot-wire ammeter, which I bought) & think you will have a better chance on such tunes. (“George Barbour”)  Our height is 20 ft. less than it should be, even with horizontal skyline & if all these tricks don’t get us in, will holler to Manney to raise top masts, as per original specs.  But you must get us with 180 ft. masts - 450 miles - sure thing - easy.  2000 ft. antenna coming from New Orleans, & new pan-cake timer--V.C.’s, etc. complete from K.C.  Expect to have all these changes made by Wed. or Thursday--then “watch out nigger.” In the letter from Bay View [Pensacola]/ “Hotel Batinsky” Mon. night [ca. 1905], DeForest writes in part:  Splendid work - like shot falling into a tin pan.  You ought to step up your frequency a bit.  Could hardly hear you till 4:30 tho we thought we heard you.  Then I got in tune.  From 4:30 to 4:38 I lost you, then I happened to put my hand on the tuner slide connected with the receiver wire, I got you well.  Then you must have made some change, for I got you loud again, without hand on.  4:45 - better yet.  Tuning on confidence by close, as you found.  Now had about ¼ of that spool in which I brought back from Cleveland.  4:44 “how is it now” “how is it now” 4:45 You made a change.  I had cut down imped. to 1/5 the coil--& didn’t get you then so loud as previously.  4:50 Got you louder when I did not touch receiver wire slider...This is very interesting - what was your combination before when putting hand on this slider brought you up greatly?  It appears that when your wave is such that putting hand on slide decreases sound that then you can tune quite closely on the tuner; but for another wave-length, where putting hand on slide increases the sound, that tuning on tuner is not so close.  Still this may not be the rule.  Anyway, for certain wave-lengths putting hand on slider will increase, & for other wave-lengths this will decrease sound.  I think it has to do with the location of one of the nodes in the closed circuit.  When the node should fall near the slide, then putting a hand, or a capacity there aids in forcing a node there, & this brings the receiver nearer the loop of the wave & aids the sound whereas for another wave length the node should not be located near the slide because if so it throws the loop to a point in the circuit far from the receiver, and this hurts the sound...Keep full notes, especially about this noise business, & how to kill static.  There’s lots to learn about this loop circuit of mine. His letter to Sally Mack Horton of 10 December 1940 reveals the depth of DeForest’s relationship with his chief technician after hearing of Harry Mack Horton’s death, DeForest writes:  We had no idea that your dear Husband had been sick so many months. He must have suffered so severely, yet so bravely, all the time. . . .Dear Sally, you were a wonderful & devoted wife to the best friend my profession ever revealed. You have the comforting assurance that you made Mac’s life a blessing, after all the sorrow and tragedy he had passed through before you entered his life. Poor Harry Mac--I knew him and loved him like a Brother. Through those early years of our struggle against overwhelming odds and opposition we stood side by side, shoulder to shoulder and we showed the world what was American Wireless, and with it licked creation! We did. I am proud, have always been proud, to have found, so early, so faithful and staunch a helper and support. The History of American Wireless Telegraphy would not be what it is today, had it not been for the fine, undaunted, undiscouraged, determined efforts, in face of every form of obstacle, delay and set-back-which Mac, and a few loyal fighters like him waged by my side-from 1901 to 1910. My memory is filled with comforting recollections, some of them grim, many light and humorous, of the days we worked together; at Washington, Toronto, Key West, Ireland, New York--long days of toil and dark nights of watching, side by side--determined, the two of us, like two brother soldiers, to win the battle, never mind the hardship, nor the lack of proper support from those for who we loyally struggled. Some of our labors, our adventures, would well form a Saga of Wireless. Following DeForest’s sensational exhibition of his wireless technology at the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair, the U.S. government contracted DeForest to erect five high-powered wireless stations in the south to provide communication over a distance of one thousand miles.  The stations were to be built at Pensacola and Key West, Florida, Guantanamo, Cuba, San Juan Puerto Rico and Colon, Panama.  This southern trip began in 1905 and lasted close to two years and DeForest and crew encountered grueling difficulties from the start.  DeForest’s assistant, Frank E. Butler remarked, “It was a battle from the very start.  All nature seemed in revolt at our intrusion.  She fought us with fierce, relentless static such as never heard before with the crude tuning devices at hand.”  DeForest’s experiments to overcome this static are presented in his lengthy 8-page letter from Bay View. An extraordinary group of letters, including material from DeForest’s early days at American DeForest Wireless Telegraph Company, a company that later fell into bankruptcy and was taken over by Guglielmo Marconi interests in 1912.  In addition, remarkable scientific content from one of the great American inventors of the twentieth century, showcasing his inseparable relationship with his friend and colleague.

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Edison, Thomas Alva.

Lot 258: Edison, Thomas Alva. "Speaking telegraph.'' Autograph manuscript and drawings signed, 1 page

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Description: 258. Edison, Thomas Alva. “Speaking telegraph.’’ Autograph manuscript and drawings signed (“TA Edison” and ‘’Chas Batchelor”), 1 page (11 ½ X 8 ½ in.; 292 X 216 mm), “[Menlo Park],” 30 September 1877; faint staining, fraying, a few small tears. Laboratory notes in Edison’s hand of his final stages of perfecting the telephone. Shortly after assembling his laboratory in Menlo Park, Thomas Edison  (1847- 1931) was working on the acoustic telegraph. After viewing the demonstration of Alexander Graham Bell’s telephone at the Centennial Exposition in 1876, Edison began focusing on possible improvements for the device, called the ‘’speaking telegraph” in these laboratory notes in Edison’s hand. Charles Batchelor assisted him in these experiments; Edison was nearly deaf and required assistance in any acoustic tests. Although Edison succeeded in recording telegraph transmissions by 1876, the human voice had eluded his best efforts. Batchelor noted in his own notebook in February of 1877 that Edison considered Bell’s invention very imperfect because it could be used only on short lines. Between March and September of that year, Edison installed various devices and substances that might alter resistance of the circuit. He was encouraged greatly in his research by a report from New York City that Bell’s telephone was not transmitting the voice distinctly. By late September of 1877, the Edison laboratory made tremendous strides by improving the diaphragm and mouth piece, and in November Western Union established the American Speaking Telephone Company. The present manuscript, illustrating and describing the new rubber diaphragm, documents a milestone in the history of communications in America. Edison noted near the bottom: Have tried it ok. References: P. Israel, Edison: A Life of Invention, 1998, pages 130-141; Dictionary of Scientific Biography, volume 4.   Provenance: Sotheby’s New York 3 May 1994, lot 37.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 259: Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed ("A. Einstein"), in German, 2 pages (5 ¼ x 8 3/8 in.)

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Description: 259. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph letter signed (“A. Einstein”), in German, 2 pages (5 ¼ x 8 3/8 in.; 133 x 213 mm.), 21 March 1917 to “Dear Colleague” Moritz Schlick, German physicist, philosopher and the founding father of logical positivism and the Vienna Circle.  Within, Einstein praises Schlick’s scientific essay published in “Naturwissenschaften” and expands upon a “small inaccuracy” within the work.  Albert Einstein critiques fellow physicist Moritz Schlick’s scientific essay citing Galileo’s Law of Inertia and Einstein’s own Special Theory of Relativity as reasons for an inaccuracy found in the work. In dark ink, Einstein pens in full; translated from German:  When rereading your beautiful essay in “Naturwissenschaften”, I found a small inaccuracy. I would like to share it with you just in case your article may get printed elsewhere. The derivation indicated on page 184 from the law of the motion of point assumes that in the local coordinate system, the point motion is a straight line. But we cannot deduct anything from this. The local coordinate system is generally only significant in the infinite-small, and in the infinite small, every continuous line is a straight line. The correct derivation is as follows: as a matter of principle, there can be finite matter-free parts of the world to which the following equation applies, if the corresponding reference system is selected D s2 = dx42 12 + . + . - dx42. (If this weren’t the case, Galileo’s law of inertia and the special relativity theory could not have stood the test). In such a part of the world, Galileo’s law of inertia applies if selecting this reference system, and the world line is a straight line, i.e. a geodetic line in any coordinate system.  The notion that the world line of the point is otherwise a geodetic line as well (if no other but gravity forces are acting) is a hypothesis, although one that makes a lot of sense. You are right with your criticism on page 178 (note). The demand for causality for specific purposes is not a clearly defined demand. There are different levels of fulfilling the causality demand. You can only say that the general relativity theory in higher mass succeeded [better] at this fulfillment than the classic mechanism. The careful analysis of this notion might be a worthwhile task for an epistemologist.   Best regards, A. Einstein PS I am sending you a new work dealing with one of the focal points of the general relativity theory. As leader of the European school of positivist philosophers known as the Vienna Circle, Moritz Schlick surrounded himself with philosophers including Rudolf Carnap and Otto Neurath and the mathematicians and scientists Kurt Godel, Philipp Frank and Hans Hahn.  Influenced by Schlick’s predecessors in the chair of philosophy in Vienna, Ernst Mach and Ludwig Boltzmann, the Circle also drew on the work of the philosophers Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein.  The members of the Circle were united in their hostility to the abstractions of metaphysics, by the grounding of philosophical statements on empirical evidence, by faith in the techniques of modern symbolic logic and by belief that the future of philosophy lay in becoming the handmaiden of science. Between 1918 and 1925 Schlick worked on his Allgemeine Erkenntnislehre(General Theory of Knowledge), and, though later developments in his philosophy were to make various contentions of his epistemology untenable, the General Theory is perhaps his greatest work in its acute reasoning against synthetic a priori knowledge. This critique of synthetic a priori knowledge argues that the only truths which are self-evident to reason are statements which are true as a matter of definition, such as the statements of formal logic and mathematics. The truth of all other statements must be evaluated with reference to empirical evidence. If a statement is proposed which is not a matter of definition, and not capable of being confirmed or falsified by evidence, that statement is “metaphysical”, which is synonymous with “meaningless”, or “nonsense”. This is the principle upon which members of the Vienna Circle were most clearly in agreement. A remarkable letter between two great minds with scientific content and excellent references to Galileo’s Law of Inertia and Einstein’s own Special Theory of Relativity and General Theory of Relativity.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 260: Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed ("A. Einstein"), in German, 3 pages (5 ¼ x 8 3/8 in.)

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Description: 260. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph letter signed (“A. Einstein”), in German, 3 pages (5 ¼ x 8 3/8 in.; 133 x 213 mm.), 21 May 1917 to “Dear Colleague” Moritz Schlick, German physicist, philosopher and the founding father of logical positivism and the Vienna Circle.  Within, Einstein reviews Schlick’s scientific essay providing constructive criticism concerning Euclidian geometry and Schlick’s definition of reality and how it differs from the view of physicist Ernst Mach.  Albert Einstein reviews a scientific essay of fellow physicist Moritz Schlick discussing Euclidian geometry and clarifying the definition of reality, contrasting Schlick’s view with that of physicist Ernst Mach.  In dark ink, Einstein pens in full; translated from German:  I keep reviewing your [work] and am very happy about your clear and concise explanations. The last paragraph “Relations to philosophy” is excellent as well. If there is something that I am noting while rehashing the papers, I will let you know so you can correct it in any new editions. The paragraph pertaining to the non-validity of the Euclidian geometry on top of page 33 is misleading.  We cannot say that Euclid geometry does not apply in two systems rotating relatively to each other. The following is to be deducted: Assuming system K is a Galilean system, for instance there is a system K, for which (at least in certain areas) the possibilities of storing practically rigid (resting relatively to K), solid bodies are controlled by Euclidian geometry, then this is surely not the case for a system K¢ rotating relatively to K. (In this proof, the systems K and K¢ play a very different role). Initially, we deduct here that the existence of a gravity field excludes the validity of the Euclidian geometry (there is a field relatively to K¢). Finally, we deduct from the circumstances that if we look closely, gravitational fields are never missing, and further, that a Galilean coordination system for finite areas does not even exist, but that the Euclidian geometry never applies in finite spaces. The second item that I would like to point out is the definition of reality. Your opinion opposes the point of view of Mach as follows: Mach: Only sensations are real Schlick: Sensations and events (of physical nature) are real. It appears that the word “real” is understood differently, depending if it is expressed by sensations or events/facts as defined in physics.  If two different peoples pursue physics independent of each other, they will create systems that will certainly match up with regard to sensations (“elements” as defined by Mach). The concepts that each of them think up to connect these “elements”, however, may be very different. Likewise, the two constructions don’t need to agree on the “events”, because these are part of the conceptual constructions. What is real in the sense of “irrefutably existing in experience” are most certainly only the “elements” but not the “events.”  But if we designate as “real” what we categorize within time and space, as you have done in the epistemology, then primarily the “events” are real. So what would we designate as “real” in physics, is doubtlessly the “categorized within time and space” and not the “imminently existing”. The imminently existing may be an illusion, the categorized within time and space may be a sterile term that adds nothing to clarify the context between the imminently existing. I would like to suggest that you clearly differentiate the terms. Best regards, A. Einstein As leader of the European school of positivist philosophers known as the Vienna Circle, Moritz Schlick surrounded himself with philosophers including Rudolf Carnap and Otto Neurath and the mathematicians and scientists Kurt Godel, Philipp Frank and Hans Hahn.  Influenced by Schlick’s predecessors in the chair of philosophy in Vienna, Ernst Mach and Ludwig Boltzmann, the Circle also drew on the work of the philosophers Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein.  The members of the Circle were united in their hostility to the abstractions of metaphysics, by the grounding of philosophical statements on empirical evidence, by faith in the techniques of modern symbolic logic and by belief that the future of philosophy lay in becoming the handmaiden of science. Austrian physicist and philosopher Ernst Mach is noted for his contributions to physics such as the Mach number (the ratio of the speed of a projectile to the speed of sound) and the study of shock waves. As a philosopher of science, he was a major influence on logical positivism and through his criticism of Isaac Newton, a forerunner of Einstein’s relativity.  From 1895 to 1901, Mach held a newly created chair for “the history and philosophy of the inductive sciences” at the University of Vienna.  In his historico-philosophical studies, Mach developed a phenomenalistic philosophy of science which became influential in the 19th and 20th centuries.  He originally saw scientific laws as summaries of experimental events, constructed for the purpose of making complex data comprehensible, but later emphasized mathematical functions as a more useful way to describe sensory appearances. Thus scientific laws while somewhat idealized have more to do with describing sensations than with reality as it exists beyond sensations. Excellent scientific content with extraordinary associations between Moritz Schlick and Ernst Mach and their differing views of reality.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed twice (

Lot 261: Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed twice ("A. Einstein"), in German, 1 ½ pages on 2 sheets

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Description: 261. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph letter signed twice (“A. Einstein”), in German, 1 ½ pages on two separate sheets (8 5/8 x 11 in.; 219 x 280 mm.), 22 January 1926 to “Dear Mr. Schlick” Moritz Schlick, German physicist, philosopher and the founding father of logical positivism and the Vienna Circle.  Einstein writes a letter to Schlick mentioning founder of Quantum Theory Max Planck and includes a handwritten signed introduction for the impending memorial for physicist Ernst Mach.  First page exhibits six small tape stains well below the text.  Albert Einstein writes the introduction of a memorial being created for visionary physicist Ernst Mach ten years following his death. In dark ink, Einstein pens in full; translated from German:  Despite being overloaded with all kinds of duties and obligations, I just had to dedicate a few words to Mach for this occasion, which you will find enclosed. If you feel that the contribution is unsuitable due to its brevity or criticism, please send it back. Hopefully, things will work out with Reichenbach, if not, I will try it in North America. It is touching of Planck, who develops so much objectivity, even though his heart is not in it. Best regards, A. Einstein   Regarding the creation of Ernst Mach’s memorial The significance of a thinker is much better understood by the following generation than by his own. You have to look at a mountain from a certain distance in order to recognize it as part of a greater mountain range; from a distance, the small ones disappear and the great ones grow. Ernst Mach’s strongest impetus was his philosophical drive: The dignity of all scientific terms and phrases lies solely within the singular events to which the terms refer. This principle led him in all his research and gave him the power to oppose the traditional terminology of physics (space, time, inertia) with a notion of independence unheard of until then. Mach’s beautiful accomplishments in the area of physics and physiology-psychology become secondary next to the powerful impulse that physics owes his critique of the basic terminology, which was deemed unproductive by his contemporaries and which became later one of the strongest driving forces in the development of the relativity theory. Philosophers and scientists rightfully criticized Mach for blurring the logical independence of the terms in relation to the “sensations”, because he wanted to merge the reality of being, without the positing of which physics would not be possible, with the event-reality, and because he wanted to discard productive physical theories (atom theory, kinetic gas theory) due to this one-sidedness of his point of view. But on the other hand, it was this grandiose one-sidedness that gave him the power to provide such a productive critique that cleared the path for evolvement in other areas. For this reason, his work represents a major contribution to the development of the last half century. A. Einstein As leader of the European school of positivist philosophers known as the Vienna Circle, Moritz Schlick surrounded himself with philosophers including Rudolf Carnap and Otto Neurath and the mathematicians and scientists Kurt Godel, Philipp Frank and Hans Hahn.  Influenced by Schlick’s predecessors in the chair of philosophy in Vienna, Ernst Mach and Ludwig Boltzmann, the Circle also drew on the work of the philosophers Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein.  The members of the Circle were united in their hostility to the abstractions of metaphysics, by the grounding of philosophical statements on empirical evidence, by faith in the techniques of modern symbolic logic and by belief that the future of philosophy lay in becoming the handmaiden of science. Einstein’s mention of Max Planck, the father of Quantum Theory, is noteworthy.  This theory revolutionized human understanding of atomic and subatomic processes, just as Einstein’s Theory of Relativity revolutionized the understanding of space and time.  Together they constitute the fundamental theories of 20th century physics. Both have led humanity to revise some of its most cherished philosophical beliefs and have brought about industrial and military applications that affect many aspects of modern life. Remarkable commentary by Einstein on Ernst Mach’s contribution to physics and how he “cleared the path for evolvement in other areas” of the field.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 262: Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed ("A. Einstein"), in German, 2 pages (8 3/8 x 5 ½ in.)

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Description: 262. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph letter signed (“A. Einstein”), in German, 2 pages (8 3/8 x 5 ½ in.; 213 x 140 mm.), [no place, no date but ca. 1927-29], to Hermann Müntz; traces of previous mounting on versos of each page, loss of a few characters of one word from tape removal. Albert Einstein begins work on Unified Field Theory and Distant Parallelism.  In a letter to Hermann Müntz, a prominent mathematician, Einstein lays out a formulaic (i.e., mathematic) hypothesis to aid him in understanding distant parallelism.  Einstein writes in part; translated from German:  I have set myself the task of finding what the simplest manifolds are with distant parallelism, and if in fact without any consideration of physical application [physics].  Thus I went back to the earlier method which is based only on identities, but not on the Hamiltonian principle.  I begin from the transformation-relation .... Einstein closes his mathematical explanation with: Whether this has a physical significance is for me at present a mystery.  But formally [i.e., mathematically] this is certainly highly remarkable...the result may also be generalized somewhat...What do you think about this?  Einstein mentions Müntz in two important early published papers on Unified Field Theory: (1) “Hamiltonian Principle and the Unified Field Theory” - published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (March 21, 1929); and (2) “Toward a Unified Field Theory’’ (10 January 1929).  Hermann Müntz was one of Einstein’s major collaborators on his Unified Field Theory.  Einstein corresponded with Müntz as early as 1927 on the subject of “distant parallelism’’ and the present  letter is from that period.   Müntz was born in Poland, but later became a German citizen.  In 1929, he became Professor of Mathematics at the University of Leningrad, from which he received an honorary doctorate in 1935. Declining Soviet citizenship, Müntz, a Jew, had to leave the Soviet Union in 1937.  In 1938, he arrived in Sweden.  This significant letter is part of Einstein’s first work on Unified Field Theory and Distant Parallelism.  The two pages contain equations and notes.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 263: Einstein, Albert. Autograph letter signed ("Papa"), in German, 1 page (11 x 8 ½ in.; 279 x 216 mm.)

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Description: 263. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph letter signed (“Papa”), in German, 1 page (11 x 8 ½ in.; 279 x 216 mm.), 7 March 1924 to his son, Hans Albert Einstein. Einstein informs his son: Science is a difficult profession. The Nobel Laureate writes to his namesake, in full; translated from German: My work in recent years is altogether unsuitable for a popular lecture, and then I really dread that kind of public appearance.  I must therefore unfortunately yet again decline the lecture.  I have designated the 45,000 Francs as a down payment for your house and I have set aside another 45,000 Francs that should belong to you, that is, to Mama.  Hopefully you will soon find an appropriate little house. I will gladly stop on the return from Naples for a little while in Zurich, but on the way out only very shortly.  There’s no question of anything official; it’s just important for me to spend a little time with you.  I don’t have much time, because I must go to Kiel in May. In any case I am very happy to see you again soon.  I work very hard, but I am not accomplishing anything much.  Science is a difficult profession.  I’m sometimes happy that you have chosen a practical career where you don’t have to look for four-leaf clovers.  Until our happy reunion.  Best greeting to the three of you from Your Papa A revealing statement from this giant of science.  Einstein was very concerned about his first-born’s career path; at this time, Hans Albert was studying at the Polytechnic in Zurich, his father’s alma mater.  In 1937 he immigrated to the United States, and was later to become a professor of hydraulics at the prestigious University of California at Berkeley. A wonderful letter from Einstein to his son.

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Einstein, Albert. Typed note signed (

Lot 264: Einstein, Albert. Typed note signed ("A. Einstein"), in English, 1 page (10 5/8 x 7 1/8 in.)

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Description: 264. Einstein, Albert. Typed note signed (“A. Einstein”), in English, 1 page (10 5/8 x 7 1/8 in.; 270 x 181 mm.),  “Sarnac Lake,” 11 July 1942 to Marvin Rubin, a student in Atlanta, Georgia; browning, scattered stains, with envelope and a carbon of Rubin’s letter to Einstein. Einstein corrects a student on the proof of the congruence of two triangles. Einstein writes in response to Marvin Rubin’s letter of 7 July 1942, regarding a geometry problem “of greatest importance.” Rubin includes a drawing of the vexing geometry problem for Einstein’s review. In turn, Einstein types his response on Rubin’s drawing in full: Dear Sir: the proof of the congruence of the two triangles is right--but the conclusion drawn from this congruence is wrong, being based on a misleading drawing. Sincerely, A. Einstein Einstein proceeds to amend the drawing for proper clarification. An interesting note from Einstein succinctly and politely correcting a student eager to learn.

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Einstein, Albert. Autograph manuscript signed (

Lot 265: Einstein, Albert. Autograph manuscript signed ("A. Einstein"), in German, 1 page (11 1/8 x 8 7/8 in.)

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Description: 265. Einstein, Albert.  Autograph manuscript signed (“A. Einstein”), in German, 1 page (11 1/8 x 8 7/8 in.; 283 x 225 mm.),  [no place, no date]; marginal spotting, marginal split to horizontal fold. Albert Einstein summarizes his Unified Field Theory, which attempted to explain gravitation and electromagnetism with one set of laws.  Einstein writes in full, translated from German: Short summary: A uniform theory of the gravitational and the electromagnetic field is established.  Of the previously existing theories the one by Kaluza which views the world as five-dimensionality by introducing quintuple vectors (vectors with five components) in a four-dimensional manifoldness, in which case the quintuple vectors are (linearly) related to the four-dimensional manifoldness.  Use is being made of an infinitesimal transplantation law of the quintuple vectors which gives occasion to the formation of a “quintuple curvature”.  The latter is to the unified field equations in analogous relation as the Riemann-curvature to the field equations of the pure gravitational field.  To the infinitesimal transplantation of a quintuple vector in the direction which is coordinated with it in the four-dimensional continuum, corresponds in the latter one a line which represents the motion of the electrically charged mass point. In his general theory of relativity, Einstein had treated the force of gravity as due to a gravitational field.  Matter gave rise to a gravitational field, which in turn acted on other material bodies to cause forces to act.  Einstein had taken this force into account by means of curvature in space.  A similar situation existed for electrically charged particles.  Forces act between them, and they could be taken into account by considering the electric charges to give rise to an electromagnetic field, which in turn produced forces on other charged particles.  Thus matter and gravitational field were exactly analogous to electric charge and electromagnetic field.  Consequently, Einstein sought to build a theory of “unified field” which would be a generalization of his gravitational theory and would include all electromagnetic phenomena. In 1917, Albert Einstein began his search for the unification of gravitation and electromagnetism - his unified field theory; he completed his first paper on the subject in January 1922.  The two pioneers of unified field theory were both mathematicians.  The first unification, based on a generalization of Riemannian geometry in the usual four space-time dimensions, was proposed by Hermann Weyl.  With the same aim in mind, and inspired by Weyl’s paper, the mathematician Theodor Kaluza became the first to suggest that unification might be achieved by extending space-time to a five-dimensional manifold.  His one paper on the subject, which contained nearly all of the main points of the five-dimensional approach, was published in 1921. Einstein remained silent on the subject of five dimensions until 1931, when he and Walter Mayer presented a new formalism, which was “psychologically connected” with the known theory of Kaluza but in which an extension of the physical continuum to five dimensions was avoided.  Einstein, in a different work environment, finally made one last try at a five-dimensional theory late in the 1930s though he spent more time on a second category of unification attempts in which the four-dimensional manifold was retained but endowed with a geometry more general than Riemann’s. The last period of Einstein’s scientific activities was dominated throughout by unified field theory.  For twenty years, he had tried the five-dimensional way about once every five years.  In between as well as thereafter he sought to reach his goal by means of four-dimensional connections.  He also spent time on problems in general relativity and pondered the foundations of quantum theory.  Throughout his life, Einstein sought to join gravitation to electromagnetism in such a way that the new field theory would yield particle-like singularity-free solutions, and to lay the foundations of quantum physics, to unify relativity and quantum theory.  Even today, the unification of forces is widely recognized as one of the most important tasks in physics.

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Fermi, Enrico. Printed galley proofs of Enrico Fermi's analysis of Einstein's Theory of Relativity

Lot 266: Fermi, Enrico. Printed galley proofs of Enrico Fermi's analysis of Einstein's Theory of Relativity

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Description: 266. Fermi, Enrico. Printed galley proofs of Enrico Fermi’s analysis of Einstein’s Theory of Relativity signed (“Dott. E. Fermi”), with emendations in pencil and ink in Fermi’s hand, in Italian, 2 pages (11 x 7 ½ in.; 279 x 205 mm.), [Rome, October, 1922]; marginal very light spotting. Highly important printed galley proofs of Enrico Fermi’s analysis of Einstein’s Theory of Relativity, formally signed by Fermi and containing his numerous emendations in pencil and ink. The printed galley proofs in Italian, are from Fermi’s fifth published work and his first in book form, of his essay, “Mass in the Theory of Relativity” published in 1923. Fermi formally signs the proofs at the foot of the second page. It appears Fermi made his emendations in pencil and then again in ink to ensure the corrections appeared bold and clear for his editor. On the verso of the second page, Fermi writes in a strikingly large hand on the verso of the second page: “Relativita - giudizio.” In his essay, Fermi postulates about the possible explosive release of nuclear energy. A partial translation of Fermi’s text confirm the great importance of his essay: “The mass of a body according to the theory of relativity is equal to the total energy divided by the square of the velocity of light. Even a superficial examination reveals to us . . . the importance of the relationship between mass and energy . . . It will be said with reason, that for the foreseeable future, it does not seem possible that a way will be found to set free this frightening quantity of energy.” Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity was first presented in 1916, and his seminal work on relativity, The Meaning of Relativity, first appeared in 1922. Fermi’s essay, herewith, responds to this all-important book, which led to Einstein’s Nobel Prize in Physics in 1922. Though Fermi wrote other essays the present essay was his first work in book form. Fermi’s essay was one of several published in an appendix in the Italian translation of A. Kopff’s German work, The Fundamentals of Einstein’s Relativity, published in 1923. Early Fermi relating to his work in physics is extremely rare as most of his early notes and papers were lost aboard the Andrea Doria. Fermi’s prophetic warning of the “frightening” explosive power that would be unleashed if the energy in matter is released is of extraordinary significance for the scientific world, past, present and future.

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Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed, in German, on Freud's stationery imprinted, 3 pages

Lot 267: Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed, in German, on Freud's stationery imprinted, 3 pages

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Description: 267. Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed (“S. Freud”), in German, on Freud’s stationery imprinted (“Prof. Dr. Freud”), 3 pages (6 ¾ x 5 ¼ in.; 171 x 133 mm.), Vienna, 25 August 1905 to Otto Rank; light soiling. Perhaps Freud’s first letter to his future apprentice, Otto Rank, who was still a promising 21-year-old student who had not yet made Freud’s acquaintance. Freud writes in full, translated from German: If under different circumstances a younger writer has sent a manuscript to an older one and the latter has not answered for a while, then usually a bourgeois tragedy develops between the two which usually ends with a discord. Such is probably not the case between Mr. O. Rank and myself.   The nature of my preconditions implies that there cannot be any doubt about my interest in his work and other qualities of his work can only increase this interest.   If nevertheless I have not written, but waited for your forseeable inquiry, then the reason for my behavior is the vacation mood on my part and by the not simple nature of the object to be judged on the other hand.  I would like to make the following suggestion to you.  I will return the manuscript to you tomorrow which during my trip in September I would like to see in your care anyway, and I would like to ask you to let me have the latter again at the end of September  (I will return to Vienna during the last week of September). For better receptivity and equipped with a convex glass which now I cannot miss any more I will then study it and ask you after­ wards to grant me a few evenings to discuss it with you.  I have gained a sufficiently high opinion of your capabilities in order to wish to make your personal acquaintance and it will be much easier to communicate to you my mixture of recognition and misgivings.  If you agree with that, then please let me know on a postcard which confirms receipt of the manuscript. An Austrian psychologist dissatisfied with hypnosis as a treatment for hysterical patients, Freud developed a treatment based upon “free association” and dream analysis, better known as Psychoanalysis. His revolutionary and controversial theories of human behavior, emphasizing subconscious mental processes and the enduring influence of infantile sexuality, marked him as one of the greatest innovators in the field of psychiatry. After graduating from the University of Vienna in 1912, Otto Rank served as Freud’s secretary and protégé for twenty years. Freud considered Rank’s theory of the genesis of neurosis unorthodox and the two parted company in 1924. Eventually moving to the United States, Rank resided in Philadelphia after 1936. He is best known for his suggestion that the psychological trauma of birth is the basis of later anxiety neurosis, and for his application of psychoanalysis to artistic creativity.  In this letter, Freud apologizes for not having responded sooner to Rank’s submission of a manuscript, and welcomes the opportunity to meet him in the near future. The first portion of the letter is written in the third person, though it is quite clear from the letter’s full content that indeed the correspondent is Rank himself.

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Freud, Sigmund. Fine autograph letter signed (

Lot 268: Freud, Sigmund. Fine autograph letter signed ("Freud"), in German, 2 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.)

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Description: 268. Freud, Sigmund. Fine autograph letter signed (“Freud”), in German, 2 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.),  “Vienna,” 21 April 1921 to an unidentified colleague; minor marginal fraying. Freud declares he does not have an hour free for appointments or sessions. Freud writes in full; translated from German:  I have till the end of this season (14 July) not one hour free. I could consider only the first of October, only if one of those registered for that term cancels. Even then, I would advise you not to come to me but to Dr. Otto Rank or Dr. Th[eodor] Reik here. Or, if you prefer a medical man, Dr. [Paul] Federn, if this should be your choice, you would utilize part of the vacation because many colleagues are not as long absent from Vienna. I am, unfortunately, due to private circumstances, forced to sell the balance of my scanty working hours very highly. I would have to charge a German 250 marks, therefore, I prefer an Englishman or an American who pays according to their national schedule. I mean, I don’t “prefer” them, I am forced to accept them as “customers.” A fascinating letter revealing Freud’s shrewd business sense at the height of his career.

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Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 269: Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed ("Uncle Sigm"), in English, 1 page (11 ½ x 8 ¾ in.)

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Description: 269. Freud, Sigmund. Autograph letter signed (“Uncle Sigm”),in English,1 page (11 ½ x 8 ¾ in.; 292 x 222 mm.), “Vienna,” 19 June 1921 to his nephew, Edward Bernays, on his name-imprinted stationery, in English; marginal creasing and fraying. Freud outlines conditions and prices for patients, specifying that if a man is homosexual and wants to be changed, he would not accept him as a patient. Freud writes in full: I see you provide me not only with dollars but also with patients.  Now the matter stands as follows.  I intend to leave the town the middle of July not to return before Oct 1st. On this date I expect to find more people claiming my hours than I could accept, most of them doctors from England and America, that is to say: pupils not patients. I will have to make my choice. Your colleague should bring me some advantage if I take him instead of another man.  He should pay $20, while doctors only pay $10. If he agrees to these conditions (Oct 1st and $20), the further decision will depend on the nature of his case. He ought to write me and state what it is. For example, I would not take him if he be a homosexual and desired to be changed, etc. I will answer him without delay. We all rejoice in the presence of dear Lucy, who behaves so nicely towards all of us and from whom we hear so much about our life and conditions in New York. Freud’s brother-in-law, Eli married Freud’s sister Anna.  Around the turn of the century Anna and Eli immigrated to America where they raised their children, including Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays and his sisters Judith and Lucy (referred to in the last paragraph).  By the time he was thirty, Edward Bernays had developed a new business discipline, public relations, which has had almost as far-reaching an effect on the world as his uncle’s discovery of psychoanalyses. At the time of this letter, Bernays began his career as the world’s first public relations man.  His pioneering research into the psychology of advertising and mass communications resulted in startling new theories of merchandising, which were put to the test soon after he opened an office in New York City.  Bernays had been eager to assist his uncle, and had proved useful to Freud in earlier years by arranging for the translation and American publication of A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis, and forwarding royalty payments from publishers.  Uncle Sigmund was not entirely enthusiastic about Bernays’s ideas to publish his books in America; Freud had (as we know from many of his letters) a dislike of America and Americans.  Almost immediately after opening the first public relations firm, Bernays’s business theories proved correct, and he succeeded in not only promoting Freud and psychoanalysis, but later wrote several volumes, which have become the standard textbooks on public relations.

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Galilei, Galileo and Thomas Salusbury. Mathematical Collections and Translations. 1661.

Lot 270: Galilei, Galileo and Thomas Salusbury. Mathematical Collections and Translations. 1661.

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Description: 270. Galilei, Galileo and Thomas Salusbury. Mathematical Collections and Translations. London: William Leybourn, 1661. Volume I in two parts, folio, (10 ¼ x 8 in.; 260 x 203 mm.), Half-title, four folding engraved plates, engraved diagrams; some wear. Full modern blind-stamped calf, gilt-tooled spine, red leather labels. Extremely rare first edition, first issue in English of Galileo’s Dialogo, the major work to be included in volume I, and the first vernacular translation in any language. The System of the World, followed by the short but important Letter to Christina, was only the second work of Galileo’s to be published in England. It preceded the Latin edition, published in London by Thomas Dicas, by two years and remained the only vernacular translation for two centuries.  Apart from the two works by Galileo, Salusbury included seven other translations from Italian in volume I of his Collections. The second volume, including an extensive life of Galileo in part two, was published in 1665 but almost totally destroyed in the great fire of London in 1666. References: wing S-517; not in Norman.

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Galilei, Galileo. Mathematical Discourses concerning Two New Sciences. 1730

Lot 271: Galilei, Galileo. Mathematical Discourses concerning Two New Sciences. 1730

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Description: 271. Galilei, Galileo. Mathematical Discourses concerning Two New Sciences relating to Mechanicks and Local Motion in Four Dialogues. Translated by Thomas Weston. London: Printed for J. Hooke, 1730. Quarto, (10 ¼ x 8 in.; 260 x 203 mm.), Title printed in red and black, woodcut initials, headpieces, numerous diagrams in text, plus one table. Final leaf of advertisements. Contemporary calf, rebacked. Second edition in English of Galileo’s Two New Sciences. It was first translated by Thomas Salusbury in 1655 (see previous lot). A fresh crisp copy.

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Herschel, John Frederick William. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 272: Herschel, John Frederick William. Autograph letter signed ("JFW Herschel"), 4 pages (9 7/8 x 7 7/8 in.)

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Description: 272. Herschel, John Frederick William. Autograph letter signed (“JFW Herschel”), 4 pages (9 7/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 251 x 200 mm.), “Austria,” 24 July 1828 to Herr Henntogether with five related letters, notes, and a drawing; seal tear repaired. An extraordinary letter discussing Henn’s paper on object glasses and the planetary ephemerides. The great astronomer writes in part:  It is so long since I wrote to you, you will think I have forgotten you.  It is not so, but I have been so overwhelmed with business that I have been obliged to neglect my correspondence -much to my regret.  Let me first acknowledge your communication on object glasses and on the planetary ephemerides, if I have not already done so, with the tables and the letters accompanying them. They are printed  (not the letters) in the forthcoming volume of the Astron. society’s transactions. I have now the proof sheets of the former before me, on which allow me some remarks. 1. The second value off as it stands in your MS. is incorrect the factor 1/r + 1/s being accidentally omitted.   I have rectified this in the printed copy.  2. You say...[a quote in German, followed by an equation].   Now this is not true of the Spherical aberration itself but (if instead of l/n2 p we write x2 /2n2 p the x2 /2 having been inadvertently or perhaps for brevity omitted by you) it is true [symbol] the function which in my paper on object glasses referred to by you, is called ?ƒ is equal to your [symbol] multiplied by [an equation].  In order to rectify this with as little alteration of your words as possible I have substituted for [a German phrase], in the English translation (by Dr. Tiarks) the words ‘the coefficient of spherical aberration’ and explained in a note that this ‘coefficient’ means the function above mentioned. 3. When you say ‘[a German phrase] &c’ you seem to say it [doubles] as a theorem that The Spherical aberration of a double lens is Equal to the Sum of the Spherical aberration of its component lenses.  Not only no such theorem can be taken for granted, but it is not correct in fact   It is true that the ‘coefficient’ of Spherical aberration in a double lens is the Sum of the ‘coefficient of S.A.’ ff its component ones, but this is by no means self evident, but requires all the proof  (a pretty complicated one) which is given in my paper-to which I have therefore annexed a reference. 4. In deriving my Equations  (A) and (z) you have made W = dn/dn1, p=1-W, p1 = 1 W/W, and throughout your paper you have regarded the ratio of the dispersion powers  (which I have called W in my Equations) as the same with that of dn: dnl whereas it is in reality dn/n -1: nd1  /n1-1 and the value of W which satisfies my equations (A) (z) is not W = dn/dn1, but W = dn/dn1 X n1 - 1/n - 1. I have therefore made this correction, and in the remainder of your paper have represented the fraction dn/dn1 not by W but by another letter [symbol] to avoid confusion. 5. You have remarked ‘that the terms  + [equation] and- [equation]’ [it should be­ [equation]] ‘[followed by a quote in German].’  If this remark be well founded, all my theory of aberrations falls to the ground I am convinced, if you will consider the matter again, you will coincide with me that this paragraph ought not to stand, and admit that I have done right in striking it out of the printed copy.   At all events, as you deduce no conclusion from it in what follows, its omission no way vitiates any part of what you have said. 6. In the first example of your very real and useful practical formulae, you have given, you have taken n = 1.53, n1 = 1.60 and you say ‘zersXeiing dn = 0.0, dn1= 0.04 also W  = 0.25’.  Since the values of dn and dn1 are 0.01 and 0.04 the true ratio of dispersive powers or of focal lengths of the glasses is not 0.25 but 0.25 X 60/53.  I have therefore struck out ‘W =’ and left dn/dn1 = 0.25, after which, the numerical calculations, in which W is not involved, are (I suppose) correct I cannot but remark however that no crown x flint glass hitherto met with will give dn/dn1  = 0.01/0.04. The lowest value of [equation] I know of is 0.425 for glasses. So that this example though good is a numerical illustration has no practical meaning.   I cannot imagine by what mode of experimenting you have got such very small values as 0.004 and 0.008 in the specimens of glass you tried, for dn and dn1. I presume they do not relate to extreme rays, but I wish you had mentioned what rays they were determined for, and by what [means]. I hope you will now not think me a very severe critic when I tell you that I think very highly of your paper, as a most useful practical work, and which promises to be of the greatest service. A gentleman named   Rogers of Lieth has made a considerable improvement (as promises) in the construction of Large telescopes -he corrects a large disc of Crown by a compound lens of crown x flint of much smaller aperture [followed by a sketch] thus. Vide the Vol. III of the Trans. Ast. Soc. I am sorry you should have thought it necessary to send the money for Dr. Pearson’s book as I never intended you to pay for it at all events the (2£ 13 shill) you mention to have sent by Perther...has never come to hand.   I am delighted to see that you are not contented to observe but deduce results. Your catalogues of stars whose proper motions come out from your obsns so well, are excellent examples. I wish all astronomers would go & do likewise work much­ dispute little-use their eyes & draw conclusions the best they can, and trust the next sensation with their fame. I shall shortly find a way to send you my 3d Catalogue of new double stars- this completes my first thousand. What a wonderful work Struve’s Catalogue is! My nebulae get on slowly but steadily.  Within the last few days I have been examining the Satellites of Uranus.  About two there remains no doubt-and I am almost sure there are more, but the planet is most unfavorably situated. . . . An important letter with significant content.

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Jung, Carl. G. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 273: Jung, Carl. G. Autograph letter signed ("C.G. Jung"), in English, 3 pages (10 ¾ x 8 ¼ in.)

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Description: 273. Jung, Carl. G.  Autograph letter signed (“C.G. Jung”), in English, 3 pages (10 ¾ x 8 ¼ in.; 273 x 210 mm.), “Zurich, [Switzerland],” 5 September 1927 to Miss Morrison on his name-imprinted stationery; scattered spotting. Jung writes to Miss Morrison regarding the psychological problems of a hermaphrodite with whom Morrison is in contact. With no shame, Jung asks for payment for his advice upon receipt of the present letter. Jung writes in full: I am sorry for the delay of my answer.  I am flooded with letters, which I cannot answer in time.  Please forgive me.  You request is unusual, and my answer will hardly be satisfactory. I should see the woman personally, because the solution of her problem can be only individual. There are no general prescriptions or established laws along which she would find an easy path through  life.  However I will try to answer your questions as honestly as possible, hoping, that you will be as discrete with reference to my opinions as you are with reference to the case and to yourself.   The woman in question should decidedly not wall herself up in the line of affections. She must apply them as much as possible.  But you gave me incomplete information: is she anatomically a hermaphrodite i.e. are her external genitals male and female? is there a vagina, that would allow a normal sex intercourse? or is there a penis or testicles that would force her to function like a man? Could you not send me a careful medical statement about this most important question? Practically all the symptoms you describe are symptoms of accumulated psychic energy that has not found a proper way in applying itself. It is therefore of utmost importance, that she sees free way ahead of her.  She must give herself the chance of loving somebody.  She ought to have a friend. If she is homosexual, let her love a woman.  There are many women quite ready to answer a homosexual penchant. Under almost all conditions it is more moral to live than to suffocate oneself.  Only in an intimate friendship she is able to reveal her conditions without too great a shock.  She ought to do it notwithstanding disappointments. In case of sex intercourse pregnancy ought to be avoided, because there is a chance of anomalies in the child.  By all means she should try to squeeze herself into human community.  Isolation would mean neurosis. The question, how she is going to reconcile her unbalanced emotional nature, is a question of psychological development, with other  words, she should undergo a psychological treatment.  It is unfortunately quite impossible to deal with such a question by letter.  Since the case seems to live in California I suggest, she should have a serious talk with Mrs. E. Whitney (she is a doctor and the wife of Dr. Whitney in San Francisco.) She knows my method and she could give you valuable information. Generally your case needs a great deal of courage and she should not be afraid to risk herself.  Of course she should not foolishly trust herself to anybody, but she should make it a task to herself to find somebody that would love her sufficiently. Love is the only thing, that makes even an abnormal life bearable and even useful. Please send me 15$ for this letter. An extraordinary letter with exceptional content.

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Linnaeus, Carolus. Autograph manuscript unsigned, 2 pages (1 x 8 1/8 in.; 25 x 206 mm.)

Lot 274: Linnaeus, Carolus. Autograph manuscript unsigned, 2 pages (1 x 8 1/8 in.; 25 x 206 mm.)

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Description: 274. Linnaeus, Carolus. Autograph manuscript unsigned, 2 pages (1 x 8 1/8 in.; 25 x 206 mm.), [no place, no date], being a portion of a botanical study; some soiling. A rare fragment of a botanical manuscript. Linneaus writes a listing of various plants, giving characteristics of each in the present manuscript fragment. Five lines appear on the recto and three lines on the verso.  Often called the Father of Taxomony, Linnaeus’s system for naming ranking and classifying organisms is still in wide use today. His ideas on classification have influenced generations of biologists, even those opposed to the philosophical and theological roots of his work. Manuscript material in the hand of Linnaeus in any form is excessively rare.

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Morland, Samuel. Illustrated autograph manuscript describing his invention of the speaking trumpet

Lot 275: Morland, Samuel. Illustrated autograph manuscript describing his invention of the speaking trumpet

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Description: 275. Morland, Samuel. Fine illustrated autograph manuscript describing his invention of the speaking trumpet, unsigned, 3 pages and integral blank, (13 3/8 x 9 ¼ in.; 340 x 235 mm.),  [London, ca. 1670], written in a fine clear hand (but with several erasures and additions), with 5 neatly drawn illustrations in pen and ruled in red; corroded by the ink in places and paper slightly frayed but generally in good condition. Morland’s only surviving unpublished autograph manuscript description of the speaking trumpet. The present manuscript is the only autograph account of Morland’s invention of the speaking trumpet, a different, but complementary text to his printed account published a year later.  The use of trumpets for giving signals is of great antiquity but Morland’s invention of a trumpet, which could be spoken into is generally thought to be original.  It was quickly adopted by Charles II for naval use and has proved of enormous value ever since. The manuscript is unpublished and was unknown to Dickinson who relied almost entirely on Morland’s printed account. None of the other surviving Morland manuscripts mention this invention (the other manuscripts are documents for his history of the Waldenses; the manuscript of Elevation des eaux; an autobiography, and a couple of letters recently acquired  by  the British Library). Samuel Morland (1625-1695) made his first career as a diplomat in Cromwell’s service and distinguished himself in Cromwell’s crusade against the oppression of the protestant Waldenses of Piedmont. At the same time commissioned to write a history of their church, his first published book (1658). His allegiance to the protector ended when he discovered the plot to lure Charles back to England for his assassination. This was too much for Morland and he contrived to warn Charles and on his restoration sought the King’s patronage. Morland affected a flamboyant lifestyle but was not given the means, which he thought he deserved, to support it. He therefore embarked on a new career as an inventor: “Now finding myself disappoynted of all preferment and of any real estate, I betook myself to the Mathematicks and Experiments such as I found pleased the King’s Favour” (MSS. Lambeth, 931, transcribed by Dickinson). In an age of inventors Morland stands out as one of the most remarkable. He first designed several important calculating devices before turning his attention to the speaking trumpet, still, as this document  shows, on the lookout for new sponsors whilst not neglecting Charles II. After improvements to capstans, stoves and barometers Morland invented a new water pump and became known as the leading hydraulic engineer of his time (and to modern historians as one of the inventors of the steam engine), at last achieving the status and wealth that, he always thought were his due. An extremely rare and attractive manuscript. References: Dickinson, H.W. Sir Samuel Morland: Diplomat and Inventor. Newcomen Society, 1970.

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Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 276: Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed ("Sam. F. B. Morse"), 3 pages

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Description: 276. Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed (“Sam. F. B. Morse”), 3 pages (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.), “New York,” 18 April 1843 to John C. Spencer, Secretary of the Treasury; marginal fraying, light soiling, address panel on verso of third page. Morse discusses with the Secretary of the Treasury his contract for building the first telegraph line in America. Morse writes in full:  I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th inst[ant] requesting an explanation of the reasons for commencing the salaries of my Assistants and my own salary from the 10th of March.  The date from which to commence these salaries is not named in my instructions from the Department.  Not knowing the rule of the Government in such cases and being at a loss to determine from what point of time compensation should date, I called at the Department in company with Mr. F.O.J. Smith of Maine on the morning of the 28th or 29th of March, for the express purpose of seeing the Honorable Secretary and having this point resolved.  Not finding the Secretary within, I made known my business to the chief clerk Mr. Young who will doubtless recollect that I presented the following written questions, viz. 1. Mr. Morse desires to be instructed whether the pay of himself and of his assistants shall be computed from the date of the Act; or the date of their appointment; or the date of the Secretary’s approval?  To this his reply was “date of appointment”. 2. Mr. Morse desires to know whether the contracts he is about to make for materials, labor, &c, shall be made in his own name; or as agents of the U. States under the Act of Congress; or in the name of the United States alone?  To this he replied in the name of the U. States; and sent for a form of contract which was copied at the time for my use by Mr. Smith.  If compensation then commences from the date of appointment, the Honorable Secretary will see by reference to my letter of the 10th of March that I say “I desire to have two Assistants to aid me in my labors Professor Fisher and Professor Gale of New York who have been for a long time associated with me in my experiments.” From the fact of these gentlemen having been so long associated with me in my experiments, I contemplated almost as a matter of course that they would be my approved assistants.   The bill was no sooner passed than I notified both of them that they would receive the appointment from me subject to the Honorable Secretary’s approval, and on the strength of this assurance they immediately commenced their labors. By reference to my letter of the 8th of March you will perceive that I there notify the Department of my entering at once upon the duties required by the Act of Congress and in my letter of March 13th repeating the same notice I say, “I will only add that I presume the time spent in gathering this information will be deemed as services rendered under the Act making the appropriation for this object.” Professors Gale and Fisher have both been engaged in services for the Government since the 6th of March, and my own services I considered more especially as commencing on the 8th of March, but as my letter giving my general plan of operations, was dated and sent in to the Department on the 10th of March, I fixed the latter period in concurrence with Professors Gale & Fisher as a convenient one to date from although we should by this arrangement forego, they Four days compensation, and I two days compensation.   If I have misconceived in this matter I beg to be set right, and shall most cheerfully acquiesce in such date for commencement of compensation for me and my assistants as the Honorable Secretary shall deem proper. Morse made his great invention workable in 1836 and filed his patent in 1837.  However, he was unable to secure patents in Europe or monetary backing, and almost despaired.  On March 3, 1843, during the confusion of the final minutes of the closing session of Congress, $30,000 was voted for an experimental line from Washington to Baltimore.  This letter was written six weeks after the appropriation for the line which he completed in 1844.  On May 24 of that year, Morse sent his famous message across the wires:   “What hath God wrought!”   F.O. J. Smith, whom Morse mentions in this letter and who championed Morse in Congress and became one of his partners proved later to be one of the most unscrupulous and implacable of his enemies.

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Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 277: Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed ("Saml. F. B. Morse"), 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 7/8 in.)

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Description: 277. Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter signed (“Saml. F. B. Morse”), 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 251 x 200 mm.), “Washington,” 1 June 1844 to Interim Secretary of the Treasury McClintock Young; marginal splits to horizontal folds, integral blank. A week after the first telegraphic transmission, Morse requests a raise for his principal associate. Morse writes in full: I have the honor to state that in the original arrangement for salaries to my various assistants in the construction of the Telegraph I reported in my estimates ‘Services of three Assistants at $1500.00 each per ann.’ I had for some time Dr. L.D. Gale at a salary of $1500.00, Dr. James C. Fisher at $1500.00 and W. Alfred Vail at $1000.00. W. Vail has been one of my most efficient assistants from the beginning and I may say that his services are now essential to the maintenance of the Telegraphic intercourse; he alone with myself being at present able to teach the modus operandi. His salary considering he has a family to support is small, and considering also the services he has performed, and the confining duties, and responsibilities of his present situation, I would recommend for your approval that his salary be increased for the six months commencing from 10 June, 1844 and ending Dec. 20 1844 to Fifteen hundred pr. ann. after which-latter time it shall be reduced to $1250.00 dollars pr. ann. Alfred Vail, inventor of telegraphy, had been trained as a mechanic in his fathers degree from the University of the City of New York and begun studying for the Presbyterian ministry, when he attended an exhibit of Morse’s new telegraph at the university, in September 1837. Immediately grasping the significance of the invention, he offered Morse his assistance in developing and exploiting it. A contract was drawn up three weeks later and Vail’s father agreed to finance Morse’s experiments, which were moved to the Speedwell Iron Works, Vail’s father’s plant.  The mechanical perfection of the instruments used in Morse’s subsequent demonstrations was largely due to Vail’s skill.  Five years later, in 1843, Congress voted Morse $30,000 to establish and experimental telegraph between Washington and Baltimore, and Vail returned to become Morse’s chief assistant. It was Vail who on 24 May 1844 received in Baltimore the famous message “What hath God Wrought!” transmitted telegraphically by Morse from the Supreme Court room in the Capitol.

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Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter, unsigned, 5 pages (12 ½ x 7 7/8 in.; 318 x 200 mm.)

Lot 278: Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter, unsigned, 5 pages (12 ½ x 7 7/8 in.; 318 x 200 mm.)

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Description: 278. Morse, Samuel Finley Breese. Autograph letter, unsigned, 5 pages (12 ½ x 7 7/8 in.; 318 x 200 mm.), “New York,” 5 March 1861; marginal fraying pages 4 and 5 with paper extensions affixed to pages. A lengthy discussion of the pros and cons of slavery. Morse writes in part: I have no objection to give you the views I have so often expressed to you in conversation.... Whether the prescription I propose is considered a good one, may be a question with some northern minds, and if accepted, the patient may have expired before the remedy can be applied.  I consider the divisions on the subject of slavery as the principle cause of our troubles, but back of this subject...there are false views on conditions of man in society which have taken deep hold of the public mind, growing out of fundamental errors proceeding from the generalities of the Declaration of Independence as construed by the opponents of slavery....  As [these errors] are in that document side by side with real and important truths, they exist like the embryo worm in the fair blossom, silently, and for that reason more surely affecting destruction of the flavor, the wholesomeness, and eventually the life of the ripening fruit... Scarcely a newspaper in the land can be read without finding evidence of the constant recurrence to the Declaration of Independence, by writers and orators for support of this ultra opinion.  Our Declaration...is even quoted in high political quarters as the Bible of our political faith, with apparently not a thought, that it is not the Rule.  It is a document that might be wholly ignored without weakening the true and established Rule of political duty, the Constitution of the United States...  The errors are there; a new generation has given them life; they have gathered strength in the glare of our prosperity, and an activity has been imparted to them, which markes the inprint of ‘decay’s defacing fingers’ upon the promising fruit of our fathers’ careful culture. Slavery as presented for national action is either wholly a political question, wholly a religious question, or compounded partly of the one and partly of the other.  As a political question...what is slavery? It is emphatically a system of labor, and nothing more. In its economy, there are two parties: the employer and employed.   The latter are regulated by the former on certain terms of mutuality....   Whether these relations...are justly or unjestly regulated affects not the case.    They alone who have adopted this system...have entire political control and responsibility for the manner of its regulation.  They are the sole judges of its economy, its expediency or inexpediency.  A counterpart to this system of labor is adopted throughout the northern states....   Not a factory, nor business concern, nor domestic establishment, but employs this system of labor....  The South would be deemed most offensively impertinent, should they force the regulation of this eminently local matter before Congress, and importunately insist on laws to forbid its introduction into any part of the national domain.  Why should it not be equally impertinent for us at the North to insist on Congressional interference to regulate the Southern system of labor? Both systems are equally entitled to the protection of the Federal government.  It is a protection to be extended equally to all the interests surrendered by the parties.... To make this clear look a moment at some of the various interests which form the business of society.  The Federal government has a certain class of these interests to control and protect....  The State government protects and controls another class of interests not so general...  The city or town protects and controls other interests, the family other interests, and the individual still other interests.  The mutual relations of these various systems...are the subject of arrangement between the various divisions of power.  To allow of the greatest possible liberty, and yet to subject that liberty to those restraints necessary to prevent collisions, is the standing problem for perpetual adjustment....  Now in which category are the two systems of labor...?  They are neither of them legitimately regulated by the Federal government, except in the most limited manner, to wit: the general government shall see to it that the laborers shall not be imported into the original thirteen states, and that those held to service escaping from the legal control of their employers shall be returned to them....  All else respecting laborers, whether they shall be hired or purchased, whether they shall be compensated by money...or not compensated at all is no concern of the Federal government....  Now the condition of service and labor...is reserved by the states severally for their own regulation.  If a state at any time chooses to abolish, or to establish either system, it can do so irrespective of any power in Congress to forbid the act. No states assembled in Congress can overleap the limits which the Constitution has set and I certainly do not find in that instrument any authority...to prohibit or establish any system of labor in the territories... During the Civil War, Morse, American inventor of the telegraph, served as President of the American Society for the Promotion of National Unity.  Later he served for the Diffusionists, a group of powerful Northernors, who blamed abolitionists for the continuance of the war.   Morse personally felt “it was the abolitionists who had urged the administration into unconstitutional measures,” namely, the Emancipation Proclamation, the Confiscation Acts, and the suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus.  While Morse upheld slavery, his primary aim as the leader of the Diffusionists was to restore the Union, if necessary by war, then by conciliation. As a Democrat, Morse’s judgment of Lincoln was especially harsh; and although a peaceful man at heart, he was an active supporter of McClellan in 1864.

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Newton, Sir Isaac. Opticks; London: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704.

Lot 279: Newton, Sir Isaac. Opticks; London: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704.

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Description: 279. Newton, Sir Isaac. Opticks: or, a Treatise of the Reflexions, Refractions, Inflexions and Colours of Light. Also Two Treatises of the Species and Magnitude of Curvilinear Figures. London: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704. Quarto, (9 ½ x 7 ½ in.; 241 x 191 mm.),  Title printed in red and black. 19 engraved folding plates. Woodcut diagrams and letterpress tables in the text; divisional title leaf following leaf Tt is present in old facsimile, clean and crisp. Contemporary blind-tooled paneled calf; rebacked. Rare first edition, first issue, with the title printed in red and black within a border and with the imprint, but without the author’s name, and with two treatises at the end of the work. Newton’s study of light and optics began while an undergraduate at Cambridge and continued at his home in Lincolnshire during the plague years of 1665-1666. He investigated the behavior of light both experimentally and mathematically, concentrating on the spectrum of colors. Opticks contains Newton’s summary of his discoveries and theories concerning light and color, from his first published paper onward, and include his work on the spectrum of sunlight, the degrees of refraction associated with different colors, the color circle, the rainbow, “Newton rings,” and the invention of the reflecting telescope. Newton demonstrated that natural white light is a compound of many pure elementary colors which could be separated and recombined at will. The book ends with two mathematical papers in Latin, published to establish Newton’s prior claim over Leibniz to the discovery of calculus. References: Babson 132; Dibner Heralds 148; Grolier Science 79b; PMM 172; Norman 1588.

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Nobel, Alfred. Autograph letter signed, in German, 2 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.)

Lot 280: Nobel, Alfred. Autograph letter signed, in German, 2 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.)

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Description: 280. Nobel, Alfred. Autograph letter signed, in German, 2 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.), “Paris,” 14 October 1881 to Herr Eschenbacher; in pristine condition. Alfred Nobel’s letter to Herr Eschenbacher concerning the sale of dynamite, in German. Nobel writes in part; translated from German: I find as you do--an opinion that I already expressed in Vienna--that abnormal levels are being reached in the determination of prices for the different varieties of gelatin. When I met with Mr. Hupfer in Cologne, this matter too came up for discussion. But Mr. Hupfer thought that the present prices in Austria (compared with the current prices for glycerin) are much too low and that a settlement could only be reached by raising the prices of the weaker varieties. He is right: the selling prices in Germany are much higher than in Austria and we have presently little prospect of cheaper glycerin. Concerning the sale of Dynamite to Hecht, I would do my best to impede such an undertaking. Unfortunately, my participation at Isleten [Nobel’s explosives factory near Lucerne, Switzerland] is not very significant, and my influence consequently also not predominant. I nevertheless hope to clear this obstacle from your path. Nobel, a Swedish manufacturer, inventor of dynamite and philanthropist, was inspired by his father who manufactured explosives in St. Petersburg (Leningrad). Nobel engaged in the development of explosives, studying the subject in Stockholm from 1859. While seeking an effective method from making nitroglycerine safe to handle, he invented dynamite in 1867. The nitroglycerine was dispersed in a material called Kieselguhr. He also invented blasting gelatin, the most powerful of explosives, in 1867, and ballistine, a smokeless nitroglycerine powder in 1888. Nobel bequeathed most of his large fortune (about 2,000,000 pounds) for the establishment of The Nobel Prize, to be awarded in five fields (literature, medicine, physics, chemistry, and the promotion of peace), first awarded annually in 1901. A scarce reference by Nobel.

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Nobel Prize Collection. Collection of 38 letters from Nobel Laureates and Scientists

Lot 281: Nobel Prize Collection. Collection of 38 letters from Nobel Laureates and Scientists

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Description: 281. Nobel Prize Collection. A fine collection of thirty-eight (38) letters from Nobel Laureates and Scientists of the twentieth century primarily in the fields of physics, chemistry and medicine; contained in a cloth folding case.  Varied condition, from fine to slight toning with minor soiling. An in-depth collection of letters from Nobel Laureates and Scientists. An important collection of letters signed from award-winning figures in the fields of physics, chemistry and medicine of the twentieth century, including Nobel Laureates.  All but one are written to Bernard Jaffe (1896-1986), a high school physics teacher who later authored a number of scientific books and articles.  Jaffe wrote letters to these scientific luminaries from the late 20s through the 60s as research for his books and publications. Some selected examples with direct mention of science: Carl Anderson (2 letters), one letter discusses his latest work on positrons. Francis Aston (2 letters), one letter mentions his mass spectrograph.   George Beadle (3 letters), two letters mention genetics, including a mention of Watson & Crick. Arthur Compton (2 letters), both discuss radiation; one being in depth notes on cosmic and gamma rays. Edward Doisy (2 letters), one letter discusses Theelin, the first isolated crystalline estrogen, and Vitamin K. James Franck, a signed 11-page pamphlet, “Remarks on the Photochemistry of Polyatomic Molecules.” R.L. M. Synge discusses liquid to liquid extraction using chromatography. Michael I. Pupin mentions Clinton Davisson’s discovery of moving electrons, when reflected by metallic surfaces, behave like sources of radiation. Ernest O. Lawrence (3 letters), one letter mentions experiments yielding discoveries on the atomic nucleus. John J. Abel discusses the use of iodine in the treatment of thyroid gland diseases. Isador I. Rabi mentions his Nobel Prize and states has many British physicist friends but has never collaborated with them or worked in English laboratories. Other scientist represented: Hans Krebs, Selman Wakesman, Cyril N. Hinshelwood, Arthur Kornberg, Joshua Lederberg, Irving Langmuir, Frederick Sanger, Max Theiler, George Wald, Robert Hofstadter, George Thomson, Frederic Joliot-Curie, Arthur Kendall, Edwin Hubble, Walter Cannon, Charles Best, Herbert Evans, Elmer McCollum and Henry E. Sigerist. Awarded by the Royal Swedish Academy of Science, the Swedish Academy, The Karolinska Institute, and the Norwegian Nobel Committee, the Nobel Prizes are awarded annually to individuals and organizations who make outstanding contributions in the fields of chemistry, physics, medicine literature and peace. The prizes were established in Alfred Nobel’s will of 1895 which dictated the awards should be administered by the Nobel Foundation. A comprehensive listing of the letters contained in this collection is available upon request.

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Pasteur, Louis. Autograph manuscript, in French, 8 pages (8 1/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 206 x 133 mm.)

Lot 282: Pasteur, Louis. Autograph manuscript, in French, 8 pages (8 1/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 206 x 133 mm.)

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Description: 282. Pasteur, Louis.  Autograph manuscript, in French, 8 pages (8 1/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 206 x 133 mm.), [c. 1855], draft of a speech delivered before the council of the Academy of Lille; some smudging. Unique eight-page Pasteur autograph manuscript discussing his ideas on the reformation of teaching and the educational system.  An important Pasteur autograph manuscript on education, with his own corrections and interlineations.  Pasteur was Dean and Professor of Chemistry at Lille from 1854-1857, and this manuscript is a draft of a speech given there.  Pasteur discusses at great length educational reforms; translated from French: ...I fear that, in effect, one has...taken too much account of the rules and the methods and not enough of the men who apply them...Everyone would understand that the value of the system of teaching depends on the professor more than his methods, and that at the start of a new system of education there is a necessity of having an excellent teaching staff.  It is his conclusion that Pasteur states it is the quality of a teacher which is the most important element in education, but he laments the fact that the quality of teaching has declined in the lycees, and enumerates several reasons why this is so, the foremost of which is inexperience:  ...And in what circumstances, when teaching is changing, and new subjects are being introduced, mechanics, cosmography, botany, zoology, etc ...Programs are planned to the minutest detail, but what is the purpose of such indications,  without a  profound  knowledge of the  scientific material...I believe that  the real reforms that should be made should be applied to the teaching staff... A fascinating manuscript in the hand of Pasteur on the subject of education. The great scientist’s concerns in the middle of the nineteenth century strike a chord in the present. 

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Pasteur, Louis. Letter signed, in French, 4 pages (8 7/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 200 x 132 mm.)

Lot 283: Pasteur, Louis. Letter signed, in French, 4 pages (8 7/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 200 x 132 mm.)

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Description: 283. Pasteur, Louis. Letter signed, in French, 4 pages (8 7/8 x 5 ¼ in.; 200 x 132 mm.), “Paris,” 11 November 1869 to Edmond Terrel des Chesnes, a vineyard owner; repair to head of each page and to page fold and horizontal fold. Pasteur writes to a vineyard owner with regard to his important work on removing bacteria from wine.  Pasteur writes in reference to his studies on the heating of wine, suggesting that the relation between the level of acid determines the level of heat necessary to remove bacteria. Pasteur writes in part; translated from French: You asked for my opinion on two things:  the action of oxygen and the temperature on the must.  As for the oxygen question, please take note that I have shown in my Studies on Wine that a careful distinction must be drawn between a quick oxidation and a very gradual one.  There is an enormous difference between these two processes.  The former is nearly always harmful, as I said recently in my letter dated from Arbois; but you mentioned the latter process in your last letter to me.  As for the heating of the must and the highly sweetened wines, here is a complete theoretical guide which you must absorb into your soul so that you will be enabled to put it into practice. (1) The presence of alcohol and acids in the wine greatly affects the minimum level of temperature which it is necessary to achieve so that the wine will keep after being heated, that is in order that the bacteria can be killed.  The more acid and alcohol present in a wine, the less you will have to heat it to kill off the bacteria.  The more nearly you approach the state of a must...the higher you will have to raise the temperature.  If you have had difficulties in ensuring the keeping qualities of a must when bringing it up to a certain temperature, may I urge you to carry out experiments either in raising the temperature higher or in previously adding a little extra alcohol to the must.  So that you will understand me completely, I would urge you to look at my works on spontaneous generation.  You will see from these that it depends entirely on the state of acidity, neutrality or very weak alkalinity of the surroundings to decide the necessary level of temperature for killing bacteria.  I have shown, for example, that weakly alkaline milk requires a temperature of between 100 and 110.  On the other hand, urine, which is slightly acid and requires only a temperature below 100, will immediately require a level of temperature at least the same as this and probably higher if neutralized.  In 1861 I carried out experiments on the very sweet white wines of Bergerac to stop them from fermenting and needed a temperature of 75 for this.  I would [undoubtedly] have had to push the temperature higher if the alcoholic fermentation which had already taken place had been less marked, that is to say if it had introduced less alcohol into the wine. I hope that you will find these principles helpful in practice. The fermentation and pasteurization of wine was a major study area for Pasteur whose work on fermentation established that it was a biological process caused by specific living micro-organisms.  This finding implied a biological or germ theory of disease and led naturally to Pasteur’s work in medicine.  In the course of investigating fermentation, Pasteur also developed and patented the process called Pasteurization, of heating wine in closed vessels to destroy germs that could adulterate it.

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Pasteur, Louis. Highly important autograph letter signed, in French, 2 pages (6 5/8 x 4 ¼ in.)

Lot 284: Pasteur, Louis. Highly important autograph letter signed, in French, 2 pages (6 5/8 x 4 ¼ in.)

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Description: 284. Pasteur, Louis.  Highly important autograph letter signed, in French, 2 pages (6 5/8 x 4 ¼ in.; 168 x 108 mm.), Arbois [Jura], 2 September 1885 to M. Sarradon, a wine merchant at Gray; integral blank, scattered spotting, repair to horizontal folds. The cure for rabies.  In this superb letter, Pasteur discusses his successful inoculation of a dog bitten by a rabid animal, but apologizes that he must nevertheless kill the dog, because of stringent statutes instituted to protect humans from the deadly disease. Pasteur writes in part; translated from French: There is no denying that you and I have broken the law on sanitary regulations of July 21, 1881.  Any dog bitten or only suspected of having been bitten by a rabid dog must be destroyed.  I was indeed able to treat your dog to make it resistant to rabies...but in terms of law, when your dog entered my laboratory, it was legally dead, and I didn’t have the right to return it to you alive.  I hope that a new amendment can be made to the law, but a new law would be necessary... Early in his career Pasteur had success in treating diseases of animals, and he wished to turn his attention to human diseases.  Rabies, which affects both man and animals, afforded a prime opportunity for applying animal experiments to human problems.  In 1882, Pasteur undertook research that led to the discovery of the preventative treatment of rabies.  Finding that the virus was present not just in the saliva but in the nerve centers, Pasteur was able to produce symptoms of rabies in a healthy dog.  Pasteur then obtained a weakened form of the virus to be used for inoculation.  Finally, on 6 July 1885, Pasteur saved the life of a nine-year-old boy who had been bitten by a rabid dog, ushering in a new era in the prevention and treatment of this widespread, dreaded disease.

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Szilard, Leo. Highly important typed letter signed, 2 pages (11 x 8 ½ in.; 279 x 216 mm.)

Lot 285: Szilard, Leo. Highly important typed letter signed, 2 pages (11 x 8 ½ in.; 279 x 216 mm.)

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Description: 285. Szilard, Leo. Highly important typed letter signed, 2 pages (11 x 8 ½ in.; 279 x 216 mm.), “New York,” 25 January 1939 to Lewis L. Strauss, a partner in the international banking firm Kuhn, Loeb and Company who played a pivotal role in shaping nuclear policy in the United States; date of letter boldly circled in red pencil with arrow, received stamp dated 26 January 1939 at top right corner of first page; slight marginal browning. Szilard reports on a very sensational new development--nuclear fission--the key discovery in opening the door to the creation of the atomic bomb. In 1935, Lisa Meitner, Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassman began work to sort out all of the substances into which the heaviest of natural elements transmuted under neutron bombardment. By early 1938, they had identified no fewer than ten different half-life activities.  At the same time, Irene Curie began looking into uranium and came up with results which contradicted those of Hahn and Meitner. The debate raged on. Not long after, Hahn and Strassman succeeded in identifying no fewer than 16 different radioactive substances with varying half-lives.  Three of these substances were previously unknown isotopes, and were felt to be isotopes of radium.  After several more weeks of tedious work, it seemed that these “radium” isotopes must be barium, element 56, slightly more than half as heavy as uranium.  At first they could not believe the results they were seeing and cabled Lisa Meitner in Stockholm for some sort of confirmation.  Her reply seemed to suggest that although it appeared to be impossible, they should keep an open mind.  Hahn and Strassman continued with further refinements and again cabled Meitner: “Our radium proofs convince us that as chemists we must come to the conclusion that the three carefully-studied isotopes are not radium, but, in fact, barium.” On January 3rd of 1939, Otto Frisch returned to Copenhagen from visiting his aunt, Lisa Meitner, and informed Niels Bohr of Hahn’s “barium” hypothesis.  Niels Bohr was immediately gleeful as if he had been expecting such results.  That same day, Lisa Meitner cabled Hahn again: “I am fairly certain now that you really have a splitting towards barium and I consider it a wonderful result for which I congratulate you and Strassman very warmly . . . you now have a wide, and beautiful field of work ahead of you.”  What they had succeeded in doing, for the first time, was “splitting” an atom. As a final step, these results need further interpretation.  Lisa Meitner in Stockholm and her nephew in Copenhagen did so by long-distance telephone.  Frisch carried out some further confirming experiments in his own lab using a simple ionization chamber.  Over the following weekend, aunt and nephew conferred by phone to prepare two papers for Nature: a joint explanation of the reaction and Frisch’s report of the confirming evidence of his experiment.  Both reports - “Disintegration of uranium by neutrons: a new type of nuclear reaction” and “Physical evidence for the division of heavy nucleii under neutron bombardment”- used the new term “fission” for the first time. The discovery spread like wildfire.  After reading the Hahn-Strassman paper, Leo Szilard, wrote the present letter to Lewis Strauss. Szilard writes in full:  I feel that I ought to let you know of a very sensational new development in nuclear physics.  In a paper in the “Naturwissenschaften” Hahn reports that he finds when bombarding uranium with neutrons the uranium breaking up into two halves giving elements of about half the atomic weight of uranium. This is entirely unexpected and exciting news for the average physicist.  The Department of Physics at Princeton, where I have spent the last few days, was like a stirred-up ant heap.  Apart from the purely scientific interest there may be another aspect of this discovery, which so far does not seem to have caught the attention of those to whom I spoke.  First of all it is obvious that the energy released in this new reaction must be very much higher than all previously known cases. It may be 200 million volt instead of the usual 3-10 million volt. This in itself might make it possible to produce power by means of nuclear energy, but I do not think that this possibility is very exciting, for if the energy output is only two or three times the energy input, the cost of investment would probably be too high to make the process worthwhile.  Unfortunately, most of the energy is released in the form of heat and not in the form of radioactivity. I see, however, in connection with this new discovery potential possibilities in another direction.  These might lead to large-scale production of energy and radioactive elements, unfortunately also perhaps to atomic bombs. This new discovery revives all the hopes and fears in this respect which I had in 1934 and 1935, and which I have as good as abandoned in the course of the past two years. At present I am running a high temperature and I am therefore confined to my four walls, but perhaps I can tell you more about these developments some other time. Meanwhile you may look out for a paper in “Nature” by Frisch and Meitner which will soon appear and which might give you some information about this new discovery. Leo Szilard is best known for his pioneering work in nuclear physics, his participation in the Manhattan Project during World War II, and his fervent opposition to the nuclear arms race in the postwar era. His letter to Lewis Strauss is an extraordinary record of arguably the most important discovery in modern science. The draft letter Szilard wrote for Albert Einstein to be sent to Franklin Delano Roosevelt regarding the use of the bomb ushering in the atomic age from Szilard’s personal papers sold for $1,900,000 at Christie’s New York, 27 March 2002, lot 161. The letter offered here is of enormous scientific importance in the development of nuclear warfare.

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Whitney, Eli. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.)

Lot 286: Whitney, Eli. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.)

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Description: 286. Whitney, Eli.  Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.), “New Haven,” 13 October 1815 to J. Stebbins; browning and scattered spotting. The great inventor on a practical note: ordering a large quantity of first quality shingles for his business. Whitney writes in full: I regret that it has not been in my power to write to you more frequently & that I now can write you only a few lines on business.  It is in your power, & will it be convenient for you to procure for me, in the course of the ensuing winter, one Hundred thousand of the first quality of fine Shingles, of the best timber, good thickness, well dressed & full 18 inches long - receivable at some convenient sea-port-- to be paid for by Draft on Boston?  If your reply is in the affirmative, then at what price can such Shingles so delivered be procured?  I need not tell you that almost every thing which is done about Shingles is cheat & that an honest good Shingle maker is a very rare sort of animal; but your knowledge of men & things in that country must enable you procure good shingles, if any body can.  I want the Shingles all for my own use.  Excellent Spruce Scantling are sometimes Brought here, from some part of Maine.  Do such come from your part of that Country and at what price p[e]r feet board measure, can they be delivered on board ship?  Can such be procured to be sawed, accurately, to a Bill, say, including all the timber &c necessary for the frame of a Building?  If you can make it convenient to answer the foregoing enquiries within 10 or 12 days you will much oblige me. Our Legislature met yesterday but I have been so much occupied that I have not been in see them.  Charles Denison, Speaker, Thos. Williams, (Hartford), & Seth P. Staples, Clerks -- Proportion of Democrats, alias friends of Bonaparte, as heretofore.  Remember me to Laura... At the time of the present letter, Whitney had achieved great renown. In building his arms business he took full advantage of his connections as an alumnus from Yale University. He also became more involved in Connecticut politics and the ruling elite therein as evidenced in the latter portion of his letter. Surely, with a business dependent on government contracts, Whitney’s involvement in politics was essential to his success.

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Wright, Wilbur. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 287: Wright, Wilbur. Autograph letter signed ("Wilbur Wright"), 2 pages (10 ¾ x 8 ½ in.; 273 x 216 mm.)

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Description: 287. Wright, Wilbur. Autograph letter signed (“Wilbur Wright”), 2 pages (10 ¾ x 8 ½ in.; 273 x 216 mm.), “Berlin Germany,” 26 September 1907 to E.W. Ellis, Secretary of the Annual Club of Ten Dayton Boys, Dayton, Ohio; on “Conrad Ubi’s Hotel Bristol”; with original handwritten transmittal envelope. Spurned by the U.S. Government, Wilbur Wright tours Europe in hopes of finding financial backing for the Wright Flyer.  Wright pens in full: It came to my mind today that I would soon be owing the club 4 shillings “tuppence”, or five francs fifteen centimes, or four marks, 14 pfennings, and as I feared I might not have the right change in either currency, I thought I would write you a letter as an I.O.U. and settle later.  It is more than four months since I left home in such a hurry and it has been a rather exciting time, in some parts more exciting than I can safely describe on paper.  It is too soon yet to say just how far we will get this year with our negotiations.  At one time we had practically sold a half interest in our European Business for $300,000 cash, when a fool spoiled everything for the time, and forced us to take a different course.  We have been “warm”, as the children say in some of their games, on other occasions, but we have not yet settled anything.  We are working both the governments and the private financial interests and feel certain that matters will turn out all right in the end, though there may be delay till next year.  We are in communication with and have the confidence of some of the most powerful business men in North France and Germany and are in good position to form a company and deal with governments through it, in case we find it takes too long to reach agreements on our present plans.  Of course all this is very confidential at present.  I am sorry not to be at the meeting this year especially as it is the 2dh anniversary of the founding of the club, I believe.  But I send my best wishes and hope you have a jolly goodtime.  After their historic flight in 1903, the Wright brothers began constructing and testing their 1904 and 1905 Flyers II and III.   The War Department resisted their offers to furnish an aircraft for scouting purposes, so they looked to Europe for the sale of their aircraft.  In May, 1907, Wilbur made the first of many subsequent trips to France to build and test airplanes, making many new flight records in the process.  While Orville, back in the U.S., met with little enthusiasm about the future of air flight, Wilbur, on the other hand, was successful in arousing the admiration: of the French, and concluded an agreement with a French syndicate to train pilots and market their planes in France.   Wright established the world’s first flying school in Pau, France, in 1909.  Further business transactions were made in England, Germany, Italy and eventually, America.  Wilbur never lived to see the modern development of the airplane; he died of typhoid fever on May 30, 1912. An extremely rare Wilbur Wright autograph letter signed with precious few ever seen at auction.

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American All-Stars. Print Signed, (20 x 27 ½ in.; 508 x 699 mm.), Japan, 1934

Lot 288: American All-Stars. Print Signed, (20 x 27 ½ in.; 508 x 699 mm.), Japan, 1934

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Description: 288. American All-Stars.  Print Signed, (20 x 27 ½ in.; 508 x 699 mm.), Japan, 1934; marginal browning and fraying. An extraordinary Japanese lithograph honoring the visit of the 1934 American All-Star baseball team signed by all of the members.  An extraordinary and possibly unique lithographed broadside celebrating the first and only pre-war visit of the American All-Star baseball team to Japan, signed by sixteen American players including Babe Ruth, Lou Gehrig, Lefty Gomez, Jimmy Foxx and Connie Mack. The American All-Star team, coached by Babe Ruth, made its historic trip to Japan in the fall of 1934.  Although undefeated in its first and only pre-World War II tour of Japan, the American players were overwhelmed by the Japanese interest in their games and by the intensity of the Japanese players.  Team members included Babe Ruth, Connie Mack, Earl Averill, Bing Miller, Jimmy Foxx, Earl Whitehill, Lefty Gomez, Lou Gehrig, Frank  “Lefty” O’Doul, Joe Cascarella, Eric  McWain, Clint Brown, Frank Hayes, Charles Gehringer, Robert Warstler, and Moe Berg. They were accompanied by umpire John Quinn and their trainer Doc Ebling.  All have signed the broadside very prominently, with Babe Ruth’s enormous signature across the American flag and Connie Mack’s across the Japanese flag. In the upper left, in very fine script, is written  “To Mr. Frank O’Doull” and in the lower right “From Shigehiro J. Gotoh, Nagoya, November 1934.”  Gotoh was the lithographer.  The lithograph is headed in large script  “All American/All Nippon Baseball Match” with the American and Japanese flags below.  The American flag contains only eleven stars and is reversed. The visit of the American All-Star baseball team to Japan in 1934 was of great historic importance, both in terms of baseball history and international relations.  It was also an historic visit for a reason unknown to the Japanese at the time; one of the American baseball players was, in fact, a spy and his movie films provided the information used on the first bombing raid of Tokyo. Moe Berg, a catcher for the Cleveland Indians, had visited Tokyo several times in the past, was a devotee of Japanese culture and fluent in the language.  He was highly thought of by the Japanese and met with Emperor Hirohito during the All-Star team’s visit.  On November 29, wearing a black kimono he went to St. Luke’s International Hospital, one of the tallest buildings in Tokyo, pretending to visit a patient.  He managed to get to the roof of the hospital where he brought out a motion picture camera, which he had hidden under his clothing.  He concentrated on filming industrial complexes and armament plants, oil refineries and railroad lines, the Imperial Palace, the suburbs, and warships in Tokyo Bay.  Seven and a half years later, on April 18, 1942, General Jimmy Doolittle led a surprise attack on Tokyo and this attack as well as subsequent ones relied upon Moe Berg’s films for information.  Moe Berg served during World War II as a nuclear espionage agent, specializing in tracking down atomic scientists who might be working with Germany on an atomic bomb.

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Cobb, Tyrus Raymond

Lot 289: Cobb, Tyrus Raymond "Ty". Autograph letter signed ("Ty"), 2 pages (10 3/8 x 7 1/8 in.; 264 x 181 mm.)

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Description: 289. Cobb, Tyrus Raymond “Ty”. Autograph letter signed (“Ty”), 2 pages (10 3/8 x 7 1/8 in.; 264 x 181 mm.), 13 September 1935, on his personal letterhead stationery, “TYRUS R. COBB, BOX 394 D, MENLO PARK, CALIFORNIA”, to Stoney McLinn; with envelope. Legendary baseball player Ty Cobb plots to make a killing on a lucrative exhibition golf match against another baseball legend -- Babe Ruth.  Cobb writes in full: I am very happy to have heard from you.  It’s been a long time and have wondered how you were.  I am going on a fishing trip and must make this letter brief- and will write more fully later.  The golf proposition I believe might click with proper handling and advertising and the proper admission.  I of course can’t accept your 50000 people statement.  I can play in low 80’s on any real course and of course only to you I think I could get Babe’s goat maybe beat him more times than he beats me.  I give my consent to go ahead for January but it’s to be a 50 percent split between Babe & Walsh and you & I. They are to get no edge.  You and I can arrange ours later.  I am anxious to do anything I can for your interest.  You get all the cards on the table and tell Christy I can be depended upon to come & play, but don’t give up anything on terms.  Make out I might be hard to satisfy and when you are sure you know all the deal as to terms then get the half for ourselves.  I am very much pleased with living here and really hate to go back east for trips.  It gets in your blood.  Everything perfect.  You must come to see me some day.  If can you & Christy [Mathewson] both should be together on promoting the sale of this for he will have some good ideas and his contact with newspapers down there will boost proposition & help get them in right frame of mind to want us.  Let me hear from you. Cobb’s postscript indicates he has done well with his stock market investments: P.S.  Boy I have done a little mopping [up] in [the] market, better off than I was in 1929. Ty. Coca Cola 240, Genl Motors 46, & many others. Babe Ruth and Ty Cobb were two of the five original players elected to the Cooperstown Hall of Fame in 1936 along with Honus Wagner, Christy Mathewson and Walter Johnson. A wonderful letter with great content clearly revealing Cobb’s competitive streak.

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Cobb, Tyrus Raymond

Lot 290: Cobb, Tyrus Raymond "Ty." Autograph letter signed ("Ty Cobb"), 3 pages (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in; 267 x 184 mm)

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Description: 290. Cobb, Tyrus Raymond “Ty.” Autograph letter signed (“Ty Cobb”), 3 pages (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in.; 267 x 184 mm.), “Menlo Park, California,” Friday, 8 May 1958, on his imprinted personal letterhead stationery, to Mr. Frank Gilbert; photograph creased at head and foot. A Ty Cobb letter in which he reveals the true details of “The Baker Spiking” of 24 August 1909. Cobb writes to Gilbert, in part: I receive a great amount of mail and its a task trying to answer etc. Also many ‘remember’ time & incidents, details and they can be so wrong. For instance, I have had letters that stated they were in stands when I went after a fan who was blaspheming me, this happened one time, N.Y. Highlanders grounds 168th & Broadway and yet have had letters they saw me in every stand in the league and several clubs in National League and I never played in that league. Also the Baker spiking thing, a drunken newspaper writer started that, as it happened in Detroit so he could write anything back to Philadelphia to arouse them and create a gate, he did, and I have had it tacked on me ever since. Baker never lost an innings play, was the merest nick in his forearm... I know what you mean as to the game and players of today not the  same as the boys of yesteryears. For your collection I am sending you a picture of the’ Baker spiking’. There are few of these out, you have been and are a real fan, I have never volunteered a picture before in my life. In this picture you will see Baker in the base line, you get the angle, noting that infield graduating towards 2nd base, Baker in line. One doesn’t jump into or high at a baseman he tries to evade or give just the tow to touch. My slide is well away from 3rd base towards home plate, trying to evade Baker who is on the offensive. I must try to catch bag with my tow. He had a slight nick on forearm and very conclusive, my food had passed over his arm and he was contacted so lightly that his arm was not knocked aside even. Also where is my eyes centered, not at baker but the bag. I had been well away from Baker. I was even out of the baseline had passed his body, only his stretch of his arm and much on the offensive, caused this slight nick, and yet in reading about this ‘terrible’ spiking of Baker one would think I raked him from throat to foot. This play wounded me much by the writers. I send this will my compliments for your collection. I am Sincerely Ty Cobb. P.S. I only tried to spike but two men in my career. Accompanied with an oblong black and white 8 x 10 in. printed photograph signed of the notorious “spiking” incident, with Cobb sliding into the bag as third baseman Frank Baker, on the left, tries to tag him out. Boldly inscribed, on the image: To Frank Gilbert From Ty Cobb The “terrible” spiking of Baker. The Baker spiking occurred during the first game of a three-game set against the Philadelphia Athletics in Detroit on 24 August 1909. The Tigers swept the series. In a later meeting in Philadelphia, local fans threatened Cobb’s life.

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Cobb, Tyrus Raymond

Lot 291: Cobb, Tyrus Raymond "Ty". Autograph letter signed and initialed ("Ty Cobb" and "T. R.C."), 2 pages

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Description: 291. Cobb, Tyrus Raymond “Ty”.  Autograph letter signed and initialed (“Ty Cobb” and “T. R.C.”), 2 pages, (10 3/8 x 7 1/8 in.; 264 x 181 mm.), “Menlo Park, California,” 26 April 1937, on his personal letterhead stationery, to Dear Van Horn. Hall of Famer Ty Cobb, who had the highest career batting average in professional baseball, compares himself to Babe Ruth, crediting much of his rival’s incredible batting power stats to the advent of the lively ball era. Cobb writes in full: Yours received. The better way to settle arguments over records is to secure one of the many record books and you have them all to refer to. Best one is by Frank Menke, All Sports Record Book. You can secure it by addressing American News Co., 131 Varick St. N.Y. and enclose one dollar.  You get the history and records of all sports. Trying to answer your question. Most of my career in American League was with the original ball or so called dead ball. The lively ball went in during season of 1919. I came in league in 1905 so I had 13 years of the old ball and the home run leaders in American League from 1905 to 1918 inclusive hit 1905 - 8 - next year - 12 - 8 - 7 - 9 - 10 - 9 - 10 - 8 - 7 - 12 - 9 - 11 and Ruth tied with [Tilly] Walker this last year with 11 but 1919 it jumped to 29 and 1920 to 54 etc. - I led league in 1909 with 9 home runs, also in 1915 Ruth had 4, 1916 - 3 and 1917 - 2. Ruth played 22 years 1915 to 1935 inclusive so he had 18 years of lively ball. I played 24 years and 10 yrs with lively ball. Quoting hits I had 4191 Ruth 2873 - 2 base hits [doubles] I had 724 Ruth 506 - 3 base hits [triples] I had 297 Ruth 136 - home runs I had 118 Ruth 714. So there you are. Judge for yourselves if I was just a short hitter. I have no claims to make my age was 33 when lively ball came in. I was no longer young. I was classed as a vet etc. Hope this takes care of your request. Before 1919, baseball teams employed the deadball style of play. New baseballs were seldom introduced into the games, the result being that pitchers often took command, delivering a variety of pitches (including spitballs) and defacing balls with various foreign substances. The decline of the deadball style was foreshadowed in 1910 by the introduction of the cord-centered baseball; within time, technology was to provide livelier balls, which were more frequently changed during games and fans were allowed to keep balls hit into the stands. The true end of the era of deadball came in 1919, when Babe Ruth of the Red Sox hit 29 homers to set a new seasonal homer mark. As well, rule changes in 1920-21 also barred the use of spitters and other doctored balls by all pitchers (except for a few specified veterans). The conservative style of offensive play was over. Cobb credits the advent of the lively ball era with providing a boost to Ruth’s batting power; Ruth had 18 years of lively ball, while Cobb had only 10. Also a factor, Cobb comments, was their age difference; Ruth was 24 in 1919, while Cobb was already 33. However, Cobb points out that the stats still indicate that even though Ruth hit an incredible number of home runs during his career (714), far more than Cobb did (118), Cobb out-gunned Ruth in number of hits (4191 to Ruth’s 2873), doubles (724 to Ruth’s 506) and triples (297 to Ruth’s 136). It has been said that the rivalry between Ruth and Cobb was between two players who represented radically contrasting approaches to the game.  The two became bitter enemies, with Cobb’s stature as the greatest baseball player ever continually threatened by Ruth.

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DiMaggio Joseph. Autograph letter signed on

Lot 292: DiMaggio Joseph. Autograph letter signed on "The Madison" hotel letterhead stationery, 3 pages

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Description: 292. DiMaggio Joseph. Autograph letter signed (“Joe”) on “The Madison” hotel letterhead stationery, 3 pages (10 7/8 x 8 ½ in.; 276 x 216 mm.), “New York,” [c. 15 July 1952] accompanied with a hand-addressed airmail transmittal envelope, postmarked “GRAND CENTRAL STA., New York, N.Y. JUL 15, 1952 4:30 PM,” addressed to:  “Miss Marilyn Monroe, Bel-Air Hotel, Beverly Hills [Los Angeles], California”--stamped “VIA AIR MAIL--SPECIAL DELIVERY.” Joe DiMaggio, courting his future wife, Marilyn Monroe, begs forgiveness for an outburst in which he badly hurt her feelings, just four months after their first meeting. DiMaggio pens in full: Dear Marilyn, I just got through talking with you--and I don’t know what else to say than I have already said. However, it bothers me (call it guilt or what have you) to think about what happened the day I left for New York. I definately [sic] am punishing myself. I have always felt that I’ve been able to ‘take’ it, but in this particular instance, I find myself rather cold. It annoys me no end to think that I have ‘bit’ your feelings: you of all people, would be the last one I’d hurt! It has never been my nature to do that to anyone, and I’m certainly not going to start now. I’d rather take an ‘airship’--bow out gracefully is what I mean--rather than give you any misieres [sic; i.e., plural of misery], and please don’t get the idea I am saying these things because I want things to change -on the contrary, I have among other things great respect for you. For the time that I know you--you have done nothing but good--for me and some of your acquaintances--you have done nothing but take the worse of things when other people are involved in rough spots, and in our mild mannered way, people have taken advantage of you. I know all these things about you, and a lot more. I guess I could also mention how much you try, in everything that you do. Especially when you were here and went shopping just to please me. So you see Marilyn, I appreciate you as a real, solid, human soul, with tremendous inner feelings. What you have already read has been put mildly and very brief. I am handing you the ‘deck’ of cards now--you schuffle [sic] them and deal; all I ask is you forgive me. Love Joe. DiMaggio, one of the greatest center fielders of all time, retired from baseball in 1951. In 13 seasons with the New York Yankees, DiMaggio compiled a .325 batting average, hit 361 home runs, led the American League twice in batting and was the league’s Most Valuable Player three times (1939, 1941, 1947). At 37, “Joltin Joe”, the famed Yankee Clipper, had his first date with twenty-five-year-old Marilyn Monroe in early 1952. A double date was set up at the Villa Nova restaurant in Hollywood. Marilyn, who was on the verge of becoming the most famous star in Hollywood history, was to say about their first meeting: “I had thought I was going to meet a loud sporty fellow. Instead I found myself smiling at a reserved gentleman in a gray suit, with a gray tie and a sprinkle of gray in his hair. There were a few blue polka dots in his tie. If I hadn’t been told he was some sort of ball player, I would have guessed he was either a steel magnate or a congressman.” Despite their mutual indifference to each other (she to baseball, he to movie making), they soon became mysteriously attracted to each other, though Marilyn was to admit: “I was surprised to be so crazy about Joe. I expected a flashy New York sports type, and instead I met this reserved guy who didn’t make a pass at me right away. I had dinner with him almost every night for two weeks. He treated me like something special. Joe is a very decent man, and he makes other people feel decent, too.” Soon, the two became a “hot item” in Hollywood over the next year, though their courtship was filled with problems. When they first met, DiMaggio was the more popular celebrity of the two. However, by the end of 1953, Marilyn had become a very popular public personality and craved the glitz, glamour and public spectacle that she made of herself. In contrast, Joe craved privacy and hated cameras and publicity. This very early letter sums up the stormy relationship between Joe and Marilyn, one prone to outbursts, followed by lengthy and emotional pleas for forgiveness and brief reconciliations. He was proud of Marilyn’s beauty, but became instantly jealous if she was admired by strange men or if she wore revealing dresses that embarrassed him in public. And Marilyn was just at the beginning of her meteoric rise to stardom on a career path that did not jive well with his hope, as a retired ballplayer, that she would settle down and become the most glamorous “housewife” in the world. They were both personalities whose careers depended upon their “sex” appeal--their physical charms and abilities--and they both hated phonies and fakes. Yet, they were ultimately an inappropriate couple doomed in an ongoing, deeply troubled relationship, which ended 27 October 1954, nine months after they wed.

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Fischer, Bobby (Robert James Fischer). Printed chess scorecard boldly signed on page two

Lot 293: Fischer, Bobby (Robert James Fischer). Printed chess scorecard boldly signed on page two

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Description: 293. Fischer, Bobby (Robert James Fischer). Printed chess scorecard boldly signed on page two: (“Fischer”), with chess scores entered in Fischer’s hand of his match with opponent Rossetto at the II Torneo Internacional de Ajedrez-Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 2 pages (8 1/8 x 6 ¾ in.; 218 x 171 mm.), Buenos Aires [3 August 1970], also initialed by his opponent.  Also includes: a Russian chess bulletin signed (“Robert Fischer”) on the inside title page, 30 pages (8 ¾ x 11 ¼ in.; 222 x 286 mm.), 28 February 1964. Rare Bobby Fischer signed chess scorecard and Russian chess bulletin. Fischer is considered by many to be the greatest chess player in history. Learning the game at age 6, Fischer became the youngest national junior champion at age 13 and the youngest international grand master at age 15. At age 16, he left school to devote himself to the game, and won the United States championship seven times. In the summer of 1972, in Reykjavic, Iceland, he came to worldwide attention by beating Russian Boris Spassky in the world championship, the first American to ever win it. Known for his innovative strategy and his brilliant end game, Fischer is also known as an extremely temperamental player. He often protested ground rules and official rulings with officials, delaying play. He refused to defend his title and forfeited his world title in April 1975 to Anatoly Karpov after a dispute with the International Chess Federation.

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Gehrig, Lou. Autograph letter signed, in pencil. 1 page (6 3/8 x 5 in.; 162 x 127 mm.)

Lot 294: Gehrig, Lou. Autograph letter signed, in pencil. 1 page (6 3/8 x 5 in.; 162 x 127 mm.)

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Description: 294. Gehrig, Lou. Autograph letter signed, in pencil. 1 page (6 3/8 x 5 in.; 162 x 127 mm.), Written in entirely in Gehrig’s hand on one of the blank pages of a two-page letter from high school student/aspiring baseball player, Tom Templeton, in response to his questions about a vocation as a professional ball player. Gehrig’s letter is undated, Templeton dates his letter 8 May 1938, written from Hawthorn, New Jersey. A young boy asks Gehrig of the profession of baseball: “Are there any special dangers or health problems connected with this work?” The shining star, Lou Gehrig responds to the following questions the young Templeton poses in a numbered list: 1. What sort of people will I meet and work with in this profession? 2. What are the hours of work? 3. How much leisure time do you have? 4. What is the income at the start, at the average point and at the peak of this vocation? 5. Are there any special dangers or health problems connected with this work? 6. Is there a pension or compensation insurance connected with this work? 7. Is the work interesting most of the time? 8. How expensive is the training? 9. Where are some of the best places to go for training in this field? 10. What drawbacks are there? In response to Templeton’s ten questions, Gehrig responds, in full: “Dear Tom-- Briefly-- 1- The finest people 2- From noon till games are over 3- Entirely up to yourself- 4- Start at 250 average per month and pd. according to your ability 5- This work requires best of health at all times 6- No- 7- Most interesting 8- Ball clubs pay for it 9- practise wherever you can- some scout will pick you up 10- I can’t think of any Best Wishes   Lou Gehrig-” Already in 1938, the powerful slugger had begun losing his power, and it became clear the following spring that his presence in the lineup was not helping his team. He played only 8 games in his last year, 1939. Gehrig was given an emotional “day” by the Yankees on 4 July 1939. On that day, he called himself “the luckiest man on the face of the earth.” He had just two years to live. Gehrig died on 2 July 1941 after being forced to retire from the game he loved due to his failing health. 

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Gehrig, Lou. Typed Letter Signed, (

Lot 295: Gehrig, Lou. Typed Letter Signed, ("Lou"), on his personal letterhead stationery, 3 pages

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Description: 295. Gehrig, Lou.  Typed Letter Signed, (“Lou”), on his personal letterhead stationery, 3 pages (10 x 6 5/8 in.; 254 x 168 mm.), “Larchmont, New York,” 13 September 1939 to one of his medical doctors from the Mayo Clinic, (“Paul”), who became his close friend; in pristine condition. With excruciating detail, Lou Gehrig writes to his doctor on the effects of his current injections on his rare and fatal disease. Gehrig cheerfully writes, in part: As for a report on my condition (and I hope it is not my imagination), I definitely feel that the Thiamin injections are working nothing short of miracles.  Please understand I have taken approximately only eighteen or nineteen to date, and the results almost make me dread the day when I shall have to stop them.  (If Dr. Gehrig were prescribing for Lou Gehrig he would urge the continuation of these injections.)  But please be assured I am, and shall continue following your instructions to the letter.  My walking is about the same except that I feel slightly stronger.  This is not only true about walking, but also of the arms and hands and generally.  The reasons which I feel warrant this statement are in little characteristics which I will attempt to enumerate. Where I used to get exceptionally tired in the morning (especially the right hand) from brushing my teeth, shaving, combing my hair, buttoning up tight buttons on my clothes, I would then feel like relaxing and resting, whereas now that tiredness is somewhat lessened, and I still have pep to go on.  Another instance, at night I used to be exceptionally clumsy and get tired from shaking my Agarol bottle, invariably having to shift it from right hand to left, and now I am not quite so awkward, and can give it a good shake with my right hand.  Also, when driving the car, my right hand used to get tired when I used to keep it on the top side of the steering wheel at shoulder level, but tonight I drove almost all the way home with my right hand on the top of the wheel with practically no notice of fatigue.  Up until the last few days I felt drab at intervals with the desire to nap and now I feel like chasing Jun. and Pat all over Grandma’s lawn.  The big thing I believe you will be interested in is the exceptional decline of fibrillations.  While under examination by Dr. Woltman and Dr. Moersch I was in a sitting position and you at that time noticed a decline.  But during that period they would be quite active upon rising or retiring or when I reclined on the bed.  Tonight as I reclined with the papers there was absolutely no fibrillation in the legs at all, practically none in the arms and shoulders, and a very few minor ones in the back.  Incidentally at night when I retire I notice more in the back than anywhere else.  I hope these indications are as encouraging as I feel they are (still no beer).  I also feel my sense of balance on my left foot when removing my right trouser leg is a little better than it was three weeks ago.  I also notice that when I do not over eat at the dinner table I feel much better and have much more pep.  Not being over optimistic, I cannot help but feel that since you last saw me these injections have not only checked, but have given me in a very small degree of course, definite indications of very slight improvement.  Even as I sit here now with my legs resting on the window sill there are no fibrillations in the legs, and very slight ones in the back.  So you can readily appreciate, Paul, why I hate to stop these Thiamin injections.... Please be assured again how anxious Eleanor [Eleanor Grace Twitchell Gehrig, his wife] and I are to have you take in the Series with us.  I know there will be trouble for I have planned to take you down with me in the clubhouse to watch the boys while they dress and the general goings on and excitement on the bench up to game time, and that Ruth [Paul’s wife] is going to shoot us or want a pair of baseball britches to be down there with us.  However, I am afraid Ruth will have to be content with meeting the boys on the train or in the diner. Lou Gehrig, the “Iron Horse,” played his last big-league game on 30 April 1939, against the Washington Senators.  Then, on 2 May 1939, Lou Gehrig took himself out of the lineup.  He was hitting just .143, and his fielding was clumsy.  In June, he entered the Mayo Clinic (Rochester, Minnesota) for tests, which showed that he was suffering from a rare incurable disease, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (forever after known as Lou Gehrig’s disease) - a progressive hardening of the spinal cord producing symptoms similar to those of infantile paralysis. The last two years of his life, Gehrig worked on the municipal Parole Commission, a job tendered him by New York City Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia.  Although his health continued to deteriorate, Gehrig carried out his duties conscientiously, working with boys’ clubs and combatting juvenile delinquency until one month before his death.

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Johnson, Walter. Exceptional group of nine (9) autograph letters signed; total of 11 pages

Lot 296: Johnson, Walter. Exceptional group of nine (9) autograph letters signed; total of 11 pages

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Description: 296. Johnson, Walter.  Exceptional group of nine (9) autograph letters signed (“Walter Johnson”, “Walter J.” and “Walter”), total of 11 pages of various sizes, Germantown, Maryland, 3 January to September 1940 to Eleanor Fleitman; with envelopes; slight soiling in 3 letters. Walter Johnson writes nine letters to a woman sharing his philosophy about baseball, politics and life on his farm.  Some excerpts from the letters: Jan. 3, 1940; in part: You really have asked me some interesting questions and I wish it were possible this cold night to sit in front of the fireplace and talk a little baseball.  I guess it’s cold in Kansas City tonight more so than here I guess...I was born down on a farm about one hundred miles from K.C.  A great many pitchers care little about their batting and usually get fooled regardless of what comes up a curve or fast one.  I used to hit one once-in-a-while and most of the time I would do as you say ‘let’er come’ then hit or try to hit what I saw.  Again some times when an experienced pitcher was out there I would try to figure out what I would throw if I were in his place.  Then again some hitters knowing that the catchers give the signs try to think with the catcher.  Some catchers wanted curves at a certain stage and some fast ones and were no score to call for their favorite pitcher that the batter could do a pretty good job questioning what was coming.  Baseball like every thing else has changed and it’s a little hard to compare the old time player with the present day one.  For my part I like the game with close scores like we used to have. 1 to 0 and 2 to 1.  I have always believed that broadcasting helped baseball by keeping people interested, the ones who couldn’t get to the game.  I enjoyed broadcasting the ball games here last year and I am once I didn’t keep any one away from the game.  Was a little hard starting as I am not much of a talker.  When I pitched and found myself in trouble I had to pitch my way out so when I got in trouble on the mike it was bad.  I have done a lot of talking here and paid very little.  I hope next time I can do a better job announcing. April 24, 1940; in part: I have been away from home so much lately seems like I am back in baseball.  The spring games were good weren’t they?  But all the pitchers who did so well the first day have been batted out since.  July 16, 1940; in part: You know if I hadn’t seen your picture and you came walking down the road I would just have gone up to you put my arms around you and kissed you a couple of times.  I would have known you any place.  Try me out on that.  I see your K.C. club will be sold to Jim Farley.  I have an idea.  You buy the club they, you and I will go out and scout for young ball players up in the mountains in the summer time and down south in winter.  I expect the Yanks will be in front this time next month. In the present correspondence Johnson writes nine autograph letters to Eleanor Fleitman of Kansas City between 3 January and September 1940.  It appears that Johnson and Fleitman had been introduced either by friends or chance, but it doesn’t appear that they had actually met in person.  Regardless, the tone of the letters is warm and occasionally playful as Johnson describes his post baseball Hall of Fame career working on his Germantown farm and as a politician. He writes about his cattle and fox hounds, as well as the weather and teases Ms. Fleitman that they should hitchhike across the country towards one another, except that she would get all rides and he would be walking and never get out of Montgomery County before she reached him. He also discusses traveling and meeting her in St. Louis in September, having answered her questions about him and discussing what he knows about her: 28, never been married, brown hair, weight about 135. Johnson occasionally mentions baseball, largely in the context of how he approached hitting; his love of low, close scoring games; how he likes the games being broadcast but that was not much good at broadcasting himself. He mentions the impending war in just one letter, that the Germans are too much for the countries over there.  Oddly, he makes no mention of his five children. His wife, Hazel, died in 1930.  Johnson died from a brain tumor at the young age of 59 on 10 December 1946, and it is not known if he and Eleanor were ever able to meet before his death. It appears from records found that Eleanor did marry a gent by the name of Bronstein and passed away in 2006 at the age of 88. One of the greatest pitchers of all time, Walter Johnson won 417 games (including 110 shutouts) and one World Series championship in his career for the Washington Senators (a perennial second division team), still, second on the all-time career wins list. He was one of the first five players to ever be elected to the Hall of Fame in 1936, with Babe Ruth, Ty Cobb, Honus Wagner and Christy Mathewson. A lifelong Republican and friend of President Calvin Coolidge, Johnson was elected as a Montgomery County commissioner in 1938. His father-in-law was Representative Edwin Roberts, a Republican member of the U.S. House of Representatives. In 1940 Johnson ran for a congressional seat in Maryland’s 6th district, but came up short against the incumbent Democrat, William D. Byron,by a total of 60,037(53%) to 52,258 (47%). A rare and informative group of autograph letters from the beloved Hall of Famer.

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Ruth, George Herman (

Lot 297: Ruth, George Herman ("Babe"). Typed letter signed ("'Babe' Ruth"), 1 page (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.)

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Description: 297. Ruth, George Herman (“Babe”). Typed letter signed (“‘Babe’ Ruth”), 1 page (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.), “New York,” 20 November 1926 to Harold Place, editor of The News Bee; integral blank, light soiling. Babe Ruth on friends: as I go along this homerun trail, I find that real friends are just as important in my business as my bat and other equipment. Ruth writes in full: This is just a note of appreciation to yourself and the entire Sporting Department. You have all been my friends, and as I go along this homerun trail, I find that real friends are just as important as my bat and other equipment. Judging by telegrams and letters I have quite a few friends at the present moment, but away last Spring my friends were limited to a few personal pals that always stick--and papers like your own that stayed with me in the “pinch.” I want you to know  that I appreciated your loyalty when I really needed it so bad, and the best part of 1926 to me was that I did not disappoint you and my other newspaper friends. The Babe astounded everyone by hitting 47 home runs and making 1926 one of his finest seasons. In the limelight constantly, any of his mishaps were inflated and reported on with gusto. From nonpayment of tax arrears to a parking ticket to a fine for fishing out of season to a speeding ticket, every episode turned into a story in the news. Ruth was eternally grateful to those papers and their respective staffs for solely focusing on his home run trail. A fine letter with wonderful content.

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Ruth, George Herman

Lot 298: Ruth, George Herman "Babe." Typed letter signed ("Babe Ruth"), 1 page (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in.; 267 x 184 mm)

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Description: 298. Ruth, George Herman “Babe.” Typed letter signed (“Babe Ruth”), 1 page (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in.; 267 x 184 mm.), “New York,” 5 September 1947 to Frank A. Jennings; in pristine condition. Babe Ruth clears up a misunderstanding concerning gifts from the Emperor of Japan. Ruth writes in part: I do not recall ever receiving any red cups and saucers from the Emperor of Japan so I cannot imagine how anyone could have told your wife they belonged to me. However when I was in Japan playing ball I was royally treated and did receive some very beautiful gifts which I still have in my possession. This is a funny world after all and I guess there is nothing one can do about things of this sort. Send me your son’s name and I will send him an autographed picture and maybe that will make up for the cups and saucers . . . . In this charming letter, Ruth makes mention of his trip to Japan. He and thirteen other players traveled to Japan in the fall of 1934 for a two-month tour of Asia. Exhibition games were played in Honolulu, various locales in Japan, Shanghai and Manila. Ruth was “field manager” of the team, while Connie Mack, manager of the Philadelphia Athletics, was the “boss” of the tour. The players received a warm welcome in Japan--a private railway car was sent by the Emperor for the trip to Yokohama to Tokyo, and they enjoyed a motorcade down the Ginza.  The Americans played seventeen games against Japanese teams. By far, Ruth was the great attraction. All tickets to Tokyo’s 60,000 capacity Meiji Stadium and 80,000 capacity Osaka’s Koshien Stadium were sold out. Ruth played every inning and hit thirteen home runs.

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Ruth, George Herman (

Lot 299: Ruth, George Herman ("Babe"). Fine photograph signed and inscribed.

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Description: 299. Ruth, George Herman (“Babe”). Fine photograph signed and inscribed: To My Pal Servander From Babe Ruth, (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.), [no place, no date], slight marginal browning. A thoughtful, pensive head and shoulders pose boldly inscribed and signed. 

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