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Auction Description for Profiles in History: The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector
Viewing Notes:
American History -- Lots 1-104
American Literature -- Lots 105-131
Art & Architecture -- Lots 132-147
English Literature -- Lots 148-165
English History -- Lots 166-181
Entertainment -- Lots 182-190
European History -- Lots 191-205
European Literature -- Lots 206-215
Music -- Lots 216-246
Science & Medicine -- Lots 247-287
Sports -- Lots 288-299 Descriptive definitions Manuscripts: Autograph letter signed- entire letter and signature is in the hand of the author. Letter signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the text is in the hand of a secretary. Typed letter signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the letter is typewritten. Document signed- only the signature is in the hand of the author. The body of the Document is in the hand of a secretary or scribe. Autograph note signed-entire note and signature in the hand of the author. Autograph musical quotation signed- entire musical quotation, text and signature is in the hand of the composer. Autograph Manuscript Signed - entire manuscript and signature is in the hand of the author. Books: In bibliographical contexts, format is used to indicate the size of a volume in terms of the number of times the original printed sheet has been folded to form its constituent leaves. The most common forms are: Folio- each sheet is folded once-approximately 11 x 14 inches or larger. Quarto- each sheet is folded twice-approximately 8 x 10 inches. Octavo- each sheet is folded three times-approximately 5 x 7 inches. Condition definitions Manuscripts and Books: Foxed/foxing- spotted or discolored patches on manuscript pages of book leaves. Washed- cleaning of manuscript pages or book leaves with a chemical rinse to remove spots, stains or blemishes. Silked- when manuscript pages or book leaves are very fragile or in need of repair, they can be faced on both sides with a thin, virtually transparent textile like fine silk or cotton gauze for reinforcement.
Sale Notes:
In the wake of Hurricane Sandy, Fraunces Tavern and Museum remain closed. The public exhibition of highlights for our 18 December sale, The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector, Part I, has been moved to the following venue: Douglas Elliman's Madison Avenue Gallery 980 Madison Avenue (between 76th and 77th Street) New York, New York 10021 The exhibition will be open to the public December 3-9 from 11am to 6pm daily. Private viewings by appointment only will take place December 10-14. Please contact Marsha Malinowski at info@marshamalinowski.com or Profiles in History at 310-859-7701 to schedule an appointment.

The Property of a Distinguished American Private Collector

by Profiles in History

Platinum House

298 lots with images

December 18, 2012

Live Auction

26901 Agoura Road

Suite 150

Calabasas Hills, CA, 91301 USA

Phone: 310-859-7701

Fax: 310-859-3842

Email: Info@profilesinhistory.com

298 Lots
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Kennedy, Jacqueline. Autograph letter signed, 1 page (7 5/8 x 7 in.; 194 x 178 mm.)

Lot 52: Kennedy, Jacqueline. Autograph letter signed, 1 page (7 5/8 x 7 in.; 194 x 178 mm.)

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Description: 52. Kennedy, Jacqueline. Autograph letter signed, 1 page (7 5/8 x 7 in.; 194 x 178 mm.), [no place or date], to an unidentified woman; in pristine condition. Devoted wife Jackie Kennedy prescribes care for her bedridden husband, Jack Kennedy. In her curious and whimsical note, Kennedy writes in full: Please get a white nurses uniform and a little cap with a Red Cross on it - then when you have it- this is the schedule: Midmorning - Cocoa  (whipped cream if he’s in his office).  Cortone pill [medication containing corticosteroid- a replacement for adrenal insufficiency]. Lunch - Tea, cream & sugar, unbuttered white toast (from cafeteria)  & a pat of butter.   Hot plate that I will bring. Mid  Afternoon- Cocoa & cortone pill. A glass of hot water in the morning & afternoon if you can work it in. Make sure he brings home thermos & hot plate at night.  Many many thanks  - Jacqueline Kennedy   R.N. In 1947, during a visit to England, John F. Kennedy collapsed suddenly with acute nausea and low blood pressure; his illness was diagnosed as “Addison’s Disease” - caused by an insufficiency or failure of the adrenal glands, which secrete the hormone adrenaline.   The symptoms of adrenal insufficiency include dizziness, nausea and weight loss, with eventual circulatory collapse if not treated properly.  In most cases, Addison’s Disease is caused by tuberculosis of the adrenal glands; Kennedy’s adrenal insufficiency was exacerbated by the malaria he caught in the Pacific during World War II.  By 1950, it was discovered that cortisone was a better method of treatment than that used for the previous twenty years - treatment with adrenal hormone.  Kennedy found he could treat his disease with a new drug called DOCA (desoxycorticosterone acetate), administered in pellet form - the pellets implanted in the skin behind the thigh; he would stockpile emergency supplies of DOCA pellets in safe-deposit boxes across the country. Kennedy’s chief health problem, however, was not Addison’s Disease, which was treatable and kept under control. His most severe health problem was his back.  He needed an operation to fuse the degenerating discs in his back­ but the Addison’s disease made surgery hazardous.  By mid-1954, his back became so painful that he could hold back on the surgery no longer.  His chances were 50-50.  He entered the hospital on October 10, 1954; spinal surgery took place on October 21st.  The two-part operation was completed, at Jack’s insistence, in one step - but, as the doctors feared, in his weakened condition, he contracted a staph infection and lapsed into a coma.  Kennedy was not released until after Christmas, and then, in February of 1955, there was another infection- and a second operation to remove a steel plate inserted earlier and to graft floating bones. During this period, Kennedy’s wife Jacqueline tried to cheer him up.  One practical joke she played on him was to ask beautiful blonde actress Grace Kelly to dress up as a nurse and tend to Jack.  However, Jack - a notorious womanizer - was in such pain that he hardly noticed any of his attendants - and did not recognize the screen star.  She came out of his room muttering: “I must be losing it.” No doubt, the present note was another attempt to buoy her husband’s spirits.

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Key, Francis Scott. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 53: Key, Francis Scott. Autograph letter signed ("F S Key"), 3 pages (12 5/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 321 x 200 mm.)

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Description: 53. Key, Francis Scott.  Autograph letter signed (“F S Key”),3pages (12 5/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 321 x 200 mm.), “Georgetown,” 8 October 1819.  To Reverend William Meade of New York; light browning, second leaf skillfully reinforced. Francis Scott Key criticizes Monroe’s African policy. Key writes in full: Mr. Crawford’s fears are realized.  The President has forgotten his promises and what simple Courtiers were we to suppose it would be otherwise.  We have it all to go over again.  But never fear -- we shall bring him back to the point we had gained.  He is gone, & we must write to him & get him to give his orders at once in black  & white.   Mr. Crawford had a talk with him  & the Atty Genl.  & I have seen them both.  All the difficulties that we had before removed about the vagueness of the law & the difficulty of its execution re-appeared. Mr. Crawford tried to remove them -- contra the Atty. Genl. The Pres[iden]t thought he could not purchase land, therefore could make no settlement nor any provision for receiving the Captured Negroes in Africa.  He desired the Atty. Genl. to take the law & examine it & give him his opinion.  The Atty. Gent said that without further examining it, he would at once advise him to do nothing, that Congress would soon meet & pass another law in which they might say plainly what they wanted done. Mr. Crawford said the law was just what it ought to be & presented neither doubt nor difficulty. Thus they broke up.  Nothing was done.  Caldwell has seen Mr. Crawford & the Atty. Genl. also, & we have not met to compare notes since.  I went to see him, but he was gone to Alex[andri]a.  I spent several hours with Mr. Wirt.    He acknowledged that he was uninformed about the business, thought our plan impracticable, but concurred in all our wishes.   I found him reading our report,  & he says he will read everything about it & consider it.  I think he will be a friend, at any rate, not an enemy.   He seems to fear the danger of some excitement among the Slaves in consequence of our proceedings, & made some observations on that subject that deserve to be considered. He said the Pres[iden]t would certainly appoint Bacon the agent, & that we ought to write to him & remind him of what had passed between us, as to which he had no doubt he would do what he had promised & intimated that he would not oppose us.  He added that he would write to the Pres[iden]t today upon the subject. We must therefore immediately prepare to carry on a correspondence with the President, & I will prepare a letter for our Com[mitt]ee to sign & forward as soon as Genl. Mason (who is one of us, & the only one of us who has any weight) returns, which I hear will be tomorrow.  We shall all, that is, Caldwell & myself, be in consequence of this state of things, a good deal wanted here.  Nevertheless if you think it more important that we should meet you in Philadelphia we will do so -- at least I will, if possible.  My idea is that the Pres[iden]t will appoint an agent, two if we can find another (which by the bye we must do & I wish you to look about for another) that he will send a ship of war to the Coast, & probably a transport with the Coloured men from this Country as Labourers & some agricultural implements & that he will authorize him to settle in our territory  & make preparations for receiving the Captured Negroes; and I think this will do.  I wish you to bring on a dozen of the Sermons you sent me, the Plea for Africa.  I have promised one to Mr. Wirt.  The one I had, I lent, & cannot get again. I think it calculated to help us greatly. If we have no meeting in Phi[ladelphi]a, I think you had better bring on Bacon with you; the sooner you are both here the better, unless you are doing something material, of which you will be the best judge.  May God bless you!.. In a postscript, Key has added, Caldwell, I presume, has written & given you his account of our diplomatic adventures. William Meade was the Episcopal Bishop of Virginia and a founder of the American Colonization Society, whose purpose was the liberation of American slaves so that they could emigrate and found the nation of Liberia. The society bought a tract of land in Africa in 1821, and the first settlers arrived the following year.  Eventually 15,000 freed slaves settled there.

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King, Martin Luther. Typescript outline of a portion of a speech, 4 pages

Lot 54: King, Martin Luther. Typescript outline of a portion of a speech, 4 pages

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Description: 54. King, Martin Luther. Important typescript outline of a portion of a speech with extensive autograph additions  and emendations, 4 pages (10 7/8 x 8 ½ in.; 276 x 216 mm.), “Frogmore, South Carolina,” [before 14 November 1966]; puncture holes from staples at top left corner, marginal fraying and creasing. Martin Luther King strengthens an outline of a speech for the SCLC in his own hand. Herewith, King edits an outline of a speech he was preparing to give at Penn Center, Frogmore, North Carolina for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference staff retreat on 14 November 1966.  The outline contains over 130 words penned by King as well as several strikethroughs in his hand.   The outline begins: From whence we have come; where we are now; where do we go from here. King’s speech is a powerful testament to his role in the Civil rights Movement. His autograph insertion on the first page is stunning: The greatest victory of this period was what it did to the psyce [sic] of the Negro new dignity and destiny. We come out of this period only slightly integrated in the external society, but powerfully integrated within. We armed ourselves with dignity and self respect, and our adversaries tasted the gall of defeat. On the second page of the outline is the sentence: The roots of racism are very deep in America. King adds in his own hand the following: No one surveying the moral landscape of a nation can overlook the hideous and pathetic wreckage of commitment twisted and turned to a thousand shapes under the stress of prejudice and irrationality. Noting the line of progress in the civil rights revolution is not straight, King provides a thoughtful analogy: It is like curving around a mountain when you are approaching a city. Often it feels as though you are moving backwards, and you lose sight of your goal; but in fact you are moving ahead, and soon you will see the city again, closer by. An extraordinary record of King’s eloquence as he reworks his speech for the SCLC staff retreat in 1966.

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Lee, Richard Henry. Important autograph letter signed, 2 pages (13 3/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 340 x 210 mm.)

Lot 55: Lee, Richard Henry. Important autograph letter signed, 2 pages (13 3/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 340 x 210 mm.)

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Description: 55. Lee, Richard Henry. Important autograph letter signed, 2 pages (13 3/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 340 x 210 mm.), “Baltimore,” 17 January 1777 to John Page of Williamsburg, Virginia; left margin of first page reinforced, repair to lower horizontal fold, integral address leaf. Lee provides a detailed report of General Lee’s capture, including mention of General Washington crossing the Delaware North River with his troops. Lee writes in full: I do not recollect that I have heretofore given you any of the particulars of General Lees captivity, and therefore I will do it now, as I know you take great share in what concerns that brave and worthy Officer.  When Gen. Washington crossed North river with the Southern Troops, he left Gen. Lee with the Eastern men to guard the passes on Hudson’s river, where he remained until the enemies progress thro the Jersies occasioned him to repair thither, which he did with about 1700 men.  He was joined in the Jersies by as many militia as made his number about 3000.  With these he continued on the enemies rear constantly expecting that reinforcements of militia would soon enable Gen. Washington to push the enemies front so as to put it in his power to distress their rear greatly.  And in the mean time he proposed to harrass them with desultory war.  But at length he received peremptory orders to join the General as the militia came too slowly forward.  He was on his rout for this purpose thro the western parts of Jersey, intending to cross Delaware above Trenton, when he received an Express from Gen. Gates which he expressed a desire of answering, and wished for a house to do this business in. Now there happened a man, one Vanhorn who hearing this, and being considered as a foe to the British army from the heavy complaints he made against their procedure, informed the General of a house near (about 2 miles off) where he might securely do his business.  It was a Whigs house it seems, and the proposal was accepted.  The Villain Vanhorn pushed away in the night and gave information to the enemy who were posted, a body of them, about 20 miles from the place.  They detached 70 light horse under the command of Colo. Harcourt, who riding very hard got up to the place where Gen. Lee was, in the morning, surrounded the house and made him prisoner.  Took him off with great precipitation, and with him a french Gentleman, a Lt. Colonel in the service of france, who had landed to the Eastward and was on his way to offer his service to Congress.  The General had a guard of 20 men with him, who being dispersed when the Horsemen arrived, never collected or defended their General in the least.  The Congress, pursuing the custom of Europe, offered Six Hessian field officers in exchange for him, but afterwards, hearing that Gen. Lee was committed to the Provost, a military Goaler, under the idea of his being a British Officer, became the Tyrant, had not accepted his resignation in order that if-they got him, they might avail themselves of the law martial for his condemnation; the Congress notified to Gen. Howe that if the proffered exchange was not accepted, they should detain Six Field Officers, of whom Col. Campbell  would be one, that they might in their persons undergo exactly the same treatment in every respect that should be shewn to Gen. Lee. I have been the more particular in this relation that you may do the brave General justice if any licentious tongue your way, should, as they have done in other places, calumniate by base insinuation a great character, whom some hate for the reasons that all good men love, I mean an attachment to, and ability to serve the cause of American liberty. By a Gentleman who passed thro our army at Morris Town in Jersey on the 8th instant, we learn that the Men were in good spirits, that he judges their number to be about 12000, that he understood they were under marching orders, and that their destination was towards Elizabeth Town, which is between the main body of the enemy and N. York.  That Gen Heath was expected to join the army on the 9th with between 2 & 5 thousand men. That he met large bodies of Militia going towards the Jersies, and upon the whole it seemed probable from his relation that either the enemy must soon quit the Jersies, or do worse. But unhappily the force of our Army is chiefly militia and their stay very uncertain, which renders the speedy reenforcement of regular Troops absolutely necessary. An important, unpublished account of General Lee’s capture providing abundant information on the movements of Generals Washington, Howe and Gates during a crucial time of war.

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Lee, Robert E. Extraordinary autograph manuscript, 1 page (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm)

Lot 56: Lee, Robert E. Extraordinary autograph manuscript, 1 page (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm)

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Description: 56. Lee, Robert E.  Extraordinary autograph manuscript, 1 page (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm), [no place, no date], being a listing of the highlights of his military career during the Civil War; left margin frayed, scattered spotting. Robert E. Lee’s Confederate service record in his own hand. Two months after Lee’s death on October 22, 1870 his eldest son, George Washington Custis Lee sent this handwritten manuscript to Charles Marshall, Lee’s aide-de-camp and secretary during the war.  Marshall not only drafted Lee’s acceptance of Union General Ulysses S. Grant’s terms of surrender (Appomattox Courthouse 9 April 1865), but also drafted Lee’s General Order No. 9, his eloquent farewell address to his vanquished Army of Northern Virginia (Head Quarters, near Appomattox, 10 April 1865). Herewith Lee writes in full: Commd. in VA [Virginia] Service 23 Apl. ‘61 Appd. [appointed] Comm Brigr Genl in C. [Confederate] Army - in April or May ‘61 Appd. [appointed] Genl in C. [Confederate] Army 31 Aug. ‘61 Directed to assume control of Confederate forces in VA [Army of Northern Virginia] by Secy Walker.  10 May ‘62 Appd.to the command of Mil [Military] forces of C. States by Gen’l Order No. 3 Adjt & Inspt Genls office.  6 Feb’65 Assumed command 9 Feb ‘65 Attack of Grant on Petersburg Lines 2 Feb April ’65. Retreat 3 Apl.  ‘65 Surrender 9 Apl ‘65 Together with: George Washington Custis Lee. Autograph letter signed and initialed twice, 5 pages octavo, Lexington, Virginia, 28 December 1870) to Colonel Charles Marshall, Lee’s aide-de-camp written shortly after his father’s death being the transmittal letter for Lee’s service record above. Lee’s dutiful son writes in full: I am very sorry to learn from your letter to me of the 21st inst. That you have been and are still, such a sufferer from rheumatism.  I trust however that you are by this time relieved. I shipped by express, today, to your address, two boxes of papers relating to the war, which I hope will reach you safely.  I had endeavored to arrange them to some extent; but was obliged in the packing to put them in as best I could.  You will find among them all the maps I have been able to get, excepting a large birds-eye-view map of Gettysburg which is too large for the box, and which I will send separately [sic] if you so desire. Thinking it best to err on the safe side, I have probably sent you much that you may not need; but as you arrange the papers to suit your plan of work, you can lay aside what you do not require, and return to us at your convenience. I believe I have sent all we have relating to the late war between the States.  There are some few papers in reference to my fathers command in Texas prior to the civil war, which I shall have to look over more carefully; and if I find anything which promises to be of use to your, I will forward it at once. You will find among the books sent an old order book in which are entered some few orders, and some letters since the war in my handwriting.  Some of the letters will be of no use to you, but as I think they are copied into another book, you can keep them (that is the book) as long as you wish. We can not pay in advance here further than Staunton, and you will therefore have to pay freight on the boxes from Staunton to Baltimore, and send amount to me or to Washington College.  Col. Johnston has written to Mr. Davis in regard to the W. Va. And Southern operations, and I am in hopes you will before long receive his account.  Col. Taylor, in reply to my note to him on the same subject, says that he will write to you as to what he can do for you. Genl. Cullem’s book is entitled, I think, the graduates of the U.S. Mil. Academy, or something to that effect.  I have not yet been able to get hold of it, but expect to do so in a few days, and can then give you more definite information.  As you go on with your work, if you will make notes of what we can do for you here, and send them from time to time, I will try and attend to them promptly.  I merely suggest this as a means of saving you some writing. Lee’s postscript links the manuscript of Lee’s service record to Marshall confirming the provenance: P.S. I believe I mentioned in a previous letter that Genl. Mankin’s communication was forwarded to its destination, with an extract of as much of your letter to me as related to it. G.W.C.L. I enclose a little memorandum in my father’s handwriting, which may be of use to you.  I need hardly ask you to try and preserve all the papers sent you, and especially those in my father’s handwriting. G.W.C.L Charles Marshall never wrote a biography of Robert E. Lee, though he did deliver an address in Baltimore before the Society of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States in the State of Maryland (January 19, 1864), which contained details of Appomattox, and is today considered a major authority on the subject.

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Lincoln, Abraham. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 57: Lincoln, Abraham. Autograph letter signed ("A. Lincoln"), 1 page (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.)

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Description: 57. Lincoln, Abraham. Autograph letter signed (“A. Lincoln”), 1 page (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.), “Washington, D.C.,” 10 October 10, 1861 to Brigadier General William Tecumseh Sherman. In the first year of the Civil War, President Lincoln reassures Brigadier General William T. Sherman that he will receive military support and more men to carry on the offensive. At the time of this letter, Sherman was serving in command of the Department of the Cumberland, comprising the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.  [On November 9, 1861, the department was renamed the Department of the Ohio, and three states were added: Ohio, Michigan and Indiana.]  Troops in the area were under the command of a number of generals, including George McClellan, William S. Rosecrans, O. M. Mitchel, and Robert Anderson. Sherman voiced his complaint that a sufficient force had not been placed at his disposal with which to devise a suitable offensive plan of operations.  Lincoln’s responds to Sherman in full: I am glad you concur with us in thinking it best to accept three years men only, in Kentucky.  Let it be so.  I shall appoint [Thomas J.] Wood and [Richard W.] Johnson tomorrow.  We send arms as fast as possible.  Five thousand to Ohio, and Five Thousand to Indiana were ordered forwarded today.  A. Lincoln At the onset of the Civil War, the loyalty of four Border States, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky and Missouri, was in serious question.  Lincoln worried that if Kentucky supported the Confederacy, the other three states would follow close behind, and Lincoln could ill afford to lose Kentucky’s population of 1,150,000.  On 22 September 1861, Lincoln was to comment that  . . . to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Just a few days after Lincoln’s letter to Sherman, a “council of war” was held during the afternoon of 16 October 1861 in Louisville, Kentucky, attended by Simon Cameron, the Secretary of War, Adjutant General L. Thomas, and William T. Sherman.  It was at this meeting that Sherman expressed his views to Cameron on the Union’s military strength in Kentucky, as detailed by General T. J. Wood in a report written after the war on 24 August 1866): General Sherman began by giving his opinion of the people of Kentucky, and the then condition of the State.  He remarked that he believed a large majority of the people of Kentucky were thoroughly devoted to the Union,, and loyal to the Government, and that the Unionists embraced almost all the older and more substantial men in the State; but unfortunately, there was no organization nor arms among the Union men; that the rebel minority, thoroughly vindictive in its sentiments, was organized and armed (this having been done in advance by their leaders), and, beyond the reach of the Federal forces, overawed and prevented the Union men from organizing; that, in his opinion, if Federal protection were extended throughout the State to the Union men, a large force could be raised for the service of the Government...General Sherman explained forcibly how largely the difficulties of suppressing the rebellion would be enhanced, if the rebels should be allowed to plant themselves firmly, with strong fortifications, at commanding points on the Ohio River.  It would be facile for them to carry the war thence into the loyal States north of the river.  To resist an advance of the rebels, General Sherman states that he did not have at that time in Kentucky more than some twelve to fourteen thousand effective men.  The bulk of this force was posted at camp Nolin, on the Louisville & Nashville Railway, fifty miles south of Louisville...General Sherman proceeded to consider it [the military situation] from the offensive stand-point...it was absolutely necessary the Government should adopt, and maintain until the rebellion was crushed, the offensive.  For the purpose of expelling the rebels from Kentucky, General Sherman said that at least sixty thousand soldiers were necessary...General Sherman expressed the opinion that, to carry the war to the Gulf of Mexico, and destroy all armed opposition to the Government, in the entire Mississippi Valley, at least two hundred thousand troops were absolutely requisite. It was not until December 3, 1861, that Lincoln felt confident of Kentucky’s loyalty:  . . .Kentucky . . . for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. (Annual Address to Congress) A fine letter revealing Lincoln’s prompt and decisive actions to ensure Kentucky’s loyalty in the early days of the Civil War. 

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Lincoln, Abraham, Autograph endorsement signed (

Lot 58: Lincoln, Abraham, Autograph endorsement signed ("A. Lincoln") as President

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Description: 58. Lincoln, Abraham, Autograph endorsement signed (“A. Lincoln”) as President, “Washington,” 22 October 1863, six lines plus signature and dateline on verso of an autograph letter signed, 2 pages (8 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 225 x 197 mm.), of Brig. General J. T. Boyle “Louisville,” 16 October 1863, to Lincoln; repair to page fold, splits to horizontal folds. Lincoln recommends the release of the wayward son of a Kentucky Chaplin. Boyle writes the present letter on behalf of Rev. J. H. Bristow, Chaplain of 5th infantry, Kentucky volunteers. Boyle writes in full: At the request of the Rev. J.H. Bristow Chaplain 5th Infantry, KY. Vols., I have the honor to state to your Excellency that Chaplain Bristow is one of the most loyal and patriotic citizens of the State, and united his earnest effort with those of Maj. Gen. Koussain in making the 5th Ky “The Louisville Legion” and has been the Chaplain of it since its organizations. Mr. Brisow has rendered valuable service to the Government in the field and at home. He has a gallant and brave son in the 1st Iowa Cavelry. He has unfortunately a wayward son, eighteen years of age, who joined Morgen last year during the raid into Kentucky and is now a prisoner of war at Camp Douglas. Rev. Mr. Briston informs me his son is repentant and anxious to return to his allegiance. I trust favor may be shown Chaplain Bristow in release of his son, on account of the patriotic service of the father and elder brother, and the youth of the prisoner, unless there be reasons against it not to be resisted and not known to me. Lincoln’s endorsement orders: Let the boy, Samuel B. Bristow, named within, take the oath of allegiance, be discharged, and go with his father. He is at Camp Douglas. A. Lincoln. Oct. 22 1863.

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Lincoln, Mary. Autograph letter signed with initials (

Lot 59: Lincoln, Mary. Autograph letter signed with initials ("M. L."), 1 page (7 x 4 ½ in.; 178 x 114 mm.)

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Description: 59. Lincoln, Mary. Autograph letter signed with initials (“M. L.”), 1 page (7 x 4 ½ in.; 178 x 114 mm.), [no place], 23 October [1864] to Mrs. Lincoln’s confidant, Abram Wakeman, a New York politician whom Lincoln had appointed Surveyor of the Port of New York, a sought-after patronage post; in fine condition. Lincoln writes in full: I have been much amused, in looking over the Sunday Mercury, to see that some kind merchant has been so generous towards us!  When will these vile fabrications cease: Not until they find Mr. L. reelected.  This is the reason that makes their falshoods so desperate!  Please say not a word, to any one, not even W [Thurlow Weed] about the 5th Avenue business. I write in great haste. It is likely that the story in the Sunday Mercury refers to Mrs. Lincoln having been forgiven a debt.  By the fall of 1864, the unstable Mrs. Lincoln had begun to ring up enormous debts with both her personal wardrobe and her White House redecorating scheme, and was being pressed for payment. Terrified that her husband would discover the extent of her bills, as well as her dabbling in politics, she made a practice of concealment.  The “W” Mrs. Lincoln refers to is Thurlow Weed, a publisher and New York political boss, who was Abram Wakeman’s mentor.

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Lindbergh, Anne Spencer Morrow. Autograph letter signed in pencil, 5 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.)

Lot 60: Lindbergh, Anne Spencer Morrow. Autograph letter signed in pencil, 5 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.)

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Description: 60. Lindbergh, Anne Spencer Morrow. Autograph letter signed in pencil (“Anne Lindbergh”), 5 pages (8 ¼ x 5 ¼ in.; 210 x 133 mm.), Seven Gales Farm, “Vineyard Haven, Massachusetts,” 2 April 1942 to a woman named Janey on onion skin paper; scattered light spotting. Anne Morrow Lindbergh, who lost her infant son to a kidnapper/murderer, writes to a woman who has just lost her baby. Lindbergh writes in full: Thought I know you so little I feel as if I knew you much more partly because of Con & partly because the few times we did meet I felt we could go quickly through the superficial. And so when I got a letter from Con telling me you had lost your baby I could not help thinking very intensely of you. Sitting up in bed tonight, waiting for my own baby, I cannot help thinking of you & of my own life & wishing I could help you. I remember all the false comfort or non-understanding comfort given me at times. The friend who said when I tried to explain, ‘It isn’t exactly as a person that I miss the baby...’ She interrupted there with, ‘Oh no Anne, that would be sentimental...’ I never went on to explain. People do not seem to understand that it isn’t the Past only that is cut off, in grief, but--even worse--the Future. The Future, like a new crop that was already planted and coming up. Perhaps what I was trying to explain was something I read afterwards beautifully expressed in a book. The book was by a man but I think it must have been his wife he was speaking of for he could not have imagined it. The women had lost a baby, very young, & she had said I think something like this: ‘I don’t miss the baby so much except when I look at these clothes I made for him-& then it seems so dreadful that they are useless--like all this love welling up in me & the milk in my breasts.’ The apparent waste of love is terrible, though I don’t really believe it is wasted. I think it must be somehow strengthened & waiting for use--like winter wheat. The green shoots are all killed on top but the roots are stronger for having been through the winter, than the seeds that are put in new in the spring. Don’t answer this. You need all your strength for getting well. And it will be harder to get well without the baby to help you. Even physically it will be harder--just as it’s harder for a woman to get well who isn’t nursing her baby. It helps to know sometimes the physical disadvantages. It keeps one from blaming one’s spirit too much. I hope you will be good to yourself & not expect too much from either your spirit of your body & that sometime I may see you again. An extraordinarily intimate and insightful letter. Anne, having lost her baby, is able to sense Janey’s pain and anguish and provides solace, comfort and encouragement.

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MacArthur, Douglas. The intimate correspondence of MacArthur with his first wife, 64 letters signed

Lot 61: MacArthur, Douglas. The intimate correspondence of MacArthur with his first wife, 64 letters signed

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Description: 61. MacArthur, Douglas. The intimate correspondence of Douglas MacArthur with his first wife, Mrs. Louise Brooks MacArthur comprising sixty-four autograph letters signed ("Douglas MacArthur," "Douglas," "Doug," "Demon," "Doug," "Hubby," "Dapple," "Deemie," "Lonely," "Kid B," "He Wasza," and "Dapp"), over 400 pages various sizes, various locales, to Louise Cromwell Brooks MacArthur being private and revealing love letters including the very first letter he ever wrote to her in October 1921, four months before their marriage; with envelopes. A stunning cache of (646) love letters from Douglas MacArthur to his first love and first wife. The largest archive of MacArthur letters ever to be sold at auction and with staggering content revealing extraordinary details of his personal life with his first wife and his professional life with Commander-in-Chief John Pershing, Secretary of War, John W. Weeks and others. An extraordinary archive of handwritten letters from Douglas MacArthur to Mrs. Louise Cromwell Brooks MacArthur, covering the period of his courtship, engagement, and marriage on 14 February 1922. The letters form a complete whole: from October 1921, the time of their first meeting through June 1925 after their return from Manila and during MacArthur's command of the IV Corps Area in Atlanta, Georgia. It is clear he is madly in love with her from the very beginning - With you disaster has no power to harm. Without you success has no power to please. (23 October 1921). She totally disarmed him with her charm and vivacity: I am tired of Kings and Dukes and Princes. I wish that I might take you by the hand to lead you to the garden and watch the bees buzz round the roses. I love you. (23 October 1921). A giddy romantic the warrior MacArthur has become: I have been drunk with the intoxication of you all day. The caress of your eyes, the tenderness of your lips, the sparkle of your wit! The gleam of your smile makes my pulse shiver, the touch of your hand my head whirl, the warmth of your mouth suffocates my gasping senses and leaves me stunned and shaken with the glory and wonder of you as I enter into Paradise. (27 October 1921). MacArthur writes to her that his mighty hand that once killed wears an engagement ring, and looks different to him now: I have watched it as it fought for me on many a bloody field, I have heard its trigger fingers release the leaden load, I have seen' it close on more than one sinewy throat, I have felt it drive the steel home...But today its sight thrills me, rapture shivers shake me as I muse on it, it seems to point no longer pistol or dirk but towards the immortal road to Paradise... (15 November 1921). His motto (the West Point motto) has been forever modified: ...my motto 'Duty, Honor, Country, 'reads from now on - 'Duty, Honor, Country, Louise.' (28 October 1921). The passion overflows: Are you really mine, you beautiful white soul -you passion breeding woman -you mirth making child -you tender hearted angel- you divine giver of delight- you pulsing passionflower- you exquisite atom of crystalline purity? Are you really mine? This I know. There can be no Heaven for me without you. (8 November 1921). His pet names for her abound: My darling, My adorable, Sweetest of Women, My Angel Girl, Lovely Lady, 0 Sunshine of my Life, You Adorable Piece of Loveliness, Breath of my Life, Sweet Lady of My Dreams, Exquisite One, My Wonder Girl. The effect is MacArthur's full surrender: The pressure of those tender fingers, the warmth of those soft palms, their sweet scent of perfume, thrills that captive trio -my heart, my soul, my spirit, - with an ecstasy of shaking surrender that only those who have felt can know. (29 November 1921). He is entirely convinced - due to the suddenness of the emotion flooding his heart - that they are destined to be together for life: Was ever such a romance in this entire world before! Were we to tell the story no one would ever believe. I am no fatalist- but somehow, in this case I can but believe that God intended it so. He made us to be mates and when by accident we failed to join he intervened and brought us together. In no other way can I explain the instant love that overwhelmed me when my eyes first met yours...I believe that our life together is to be one of those beautiful consecrations made in heaven and lived on earth...All my life I shall love you, and glorify you, and worship you... (18 December 1921). In the midst of all the ethereal poetry, MacArthur also writes with great clarity of his reassignment by Pershing to Manila from his post at West Point, and shows his great anger with the forces at work - Secretary of War John W. Weeks and Chief of Staff John J. Pershing: My relief before the end of my tour will be regarded throughout the service and the country as an effort to discredit me and the progressive policies I introduced. It will arouse a bitterness of resentment...Hundreds of thousands of men- the American Legion, the educational world, the athletic world, and a large part of the press­ all will fail to see anything other than the venting of a personal spite. (No date, probably mid-late January, 1922). Earlier, he had advised her on how to deal with jealous "suitor" Pershing: I am sorry the C.I.C. [Commander-in-Chief Pershing] is worrying you. Sorry he is such a bully - such a black guard as to try and blackmail you...He is trying to break your spirit. Don't let him. If you do, you are gone. Ignore him, do not let him come to your house, do not let him telephone you, do not dance with him, do not let him speak to you except when unavoidable. Such treatment will kill him. See the Secretary of War [Weeks] yourself and tell him the entire story. Omit no detail. He will be shocked beyond words. This will disarm Pershing's case if he ever tries to poison Weeks' mind. (15 November 1921). In assisting Louise in her defense against the personal accusations about her "relationship" with Pershing, he explains, point by point, the details of Pershing's "attack" and his reassignment. He concludes: Whatever may be the underlying motives, the Army, the public, will see only the brutal application of official power applied with the approval of the Secretary to get rid of an officer who was in the way as a rival for your heart and hand. (No date, probably mid-late January, 1922, at the time of Pershing's announcement of MacArthur's replacement by Sladen.) MacArthur even reveals to Louise his personal thoughts about leaving West Point: My leaving West Point is a matter of complete indifference to me. My work of reconstruction is almost done. On the ashes of Old West Point I have built a New West Point- strong, virile, and enduring. (10 November 1921). The first group of letters (1-23) includes twenty-three autograph letters signed written between 21 October 1921 and 31 January 1922 from West Point- from MacArthur's very first to Mrs. Louise Brooks after their first meeting in the fall of 1921 up to the last one before their marriage on 14 February 1922. Additionally, there is one letter (24), dated 13 July 1922, which was written to Louise (now Mrs. MacArthur) when she was apart from Douglas, visiting her family (c/o Mr. E. T. Stotesbury), prior to their departure for the Philippines. The second group of seven letters (25-31) are dated 28 March 1923 to 7 May 1923, all written to Louise in either Pennsylvania or New York, during the period that the MacArthur family returned to the United States after Douglas was cabled of his mother's grave illness. A third group of eleven letters (32-43), dated 29 March to 28 April 1925, are written by the newly appointed Major General MacArthur during his one month in Washington, just after his return from the Philippines. The last group (44-64) includes twenty-one autograph letters signed, written between 29 March and 6 June 1925 from Atlanta, Georgia, after MacArthur's return stateside from the Philippines to the U.S. where he briefly served as commander of the Fourth Corps Area before his assumption of the command of the 3rd Corps Area in Baltimore. The letters, now virtually void of romantic content, stop at this point. Perhaps these are the final letters he wrote to her, as their estrangement deepened and divorce became inevitable. An itemized inventory of the letters is available upon request.

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Madison, James. Highly important letter signed as Secretary of State, 8 pages (9 ¾ x 8 in.)

Lot 62: Madison, James. Highly important letter signed as Secretary of State, 8 pages (9 ¾ x 8 in.)

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Description: 62. Madison, James. Highly important letter signed as Secretary of State, 8 pages (9 ¾ x 8 in.; 248 x 203 mm.), Department of State, 6 June 1804 to Tobias Lear, former private secretary to George Washington; pages tied together with pale blue ribbon, last page reinforced. The official instructions given to Lear as he assumed the post of consul general at Algiers during the height of hostilities with the Barbary rulers--one of the first international tests of American nationhood. For years the bane of Mediterranean commerce, the infamous Barbary Pirates made North Africa their home base from where they made raids on Mediterranean (and occasionally Atlantic) shipping and ports, demanding booty, ransom, and slaves.  Attacks on American ships by pirates from Tripoli and the other Barbary states of Algiers, Morocco, and Tunis continued--and became more belligerent.  An incident in September 1800, in which the frigate George Washington was required to hoist Algerian colors and transport a sizable tribute to Constantinople, was the straw that broke the camel’s back. President Thomas Jefferson finally decided to take action against the pirates--and against the bribery which to him was “money thrown away”.  On June 1, 1801, he sent a squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean with the aim of protecting American commerce against attack.  In response, Tripoli declared war on the U.S. (June 10, 1801).  With the nation facing a foreign menace it was not prepared to meet, Jefferson convinced Congress to pass legislation authorizing the enlargement of the navy for operations against the Barbary states (war was declared against Tripoli on February 6, 1802), and a stronger squadron was dispatched to the Mediterranean early in 1802.  Though the campaign began well, disaster soon struck:  Captain William Bainbridge, commander of the Philadelphia, ran his ship aground off Tripoli while in pursuit of a small enemy vessel.  The ship and her crew (over 300 men) were captured and held hostage by the Pasha, creating a military and diplomatic quagmire for Washington -- not only were the hostages in danger from any future U.S. military action, but now the Pasha had at his disposal a large, modern warship. While the hostages languished in Tripoli, young Lieutenant Stephen Decatur mounted a daring raid into the harbor of Tripoli on the evening of February 16, 1804 -- just four months before the date of the present letter -- to salvage the situation.  Commanding a recently captured ketch renamed Intrepid, Decatur secretly approached the Philadelphia and in a swift hand-to-hand battle managed to flush the Tripolitans from her decks.  Within 20 minutes, the Philadelphia was ablaze; shortly thereafter the powder magazine ignited, blowing her up in the middle of the harbor. With this victory, President Jefferson and his Secretary of State, James Madison, suddenly found themselves in a much improved bargaining position:  the threat of violence against Tripoli was now a real one.  Tobias Lear, who had just returned from the troublesome consular post at Santo Domingo (a country which was attempting to break free from French rule), was chosen to negotiate a long-discussed treaty with Tripoli. Lear, the lone mediator, receives his instructions from Madison while the U.S. prepares to resume combat operations. Madison writes in part: On receiving information of the loss of the Philadelphia the inclosed act was passed by Congress, whereby a million dollars was appropriated to enable the President to impart such vigor to the conduct of the war as might at once change the exultation of the enemy in his casual fortune into a more proper sentiment of fear and prepare the way for a speedy and lasting peace with Barbary. Commodore Barrow has orders to provide at a suitable time for your joining him in order to the negotiation of a peace with Tripoli.  This we hope may now be effected under the operations and auspices of the force in the hands of that officer, without any price or pecuniary concession whatever.  Should adverse events or circumstances, of which you can best judge, and which are not foreseen here, render the campaign abortive and a pecuniary sacrifice preferable to a protraction of the war, you are authorized to agree in the last instance, and in that only, to the terms of peace specified in my letter to Mr. Cathcart of the 9th of April 1803, with such modifications as may be convenient.  Of the twenty thousand dollars permitted to be given as the first purchase and consular present, five thousand are to be retained until a consul for Tripoli to be commissioned by the President shall arrive.  Should you be able to reduce the terms, as may be expected, you will retain a proportionate sum for this object.  On peace being made you have authority to place at Tripoli a temporary Agent to attend to our affairs.  For the ransom of the prisoners, if a ransom be unavoidable you may stipulate a sum not exceeding five hundred dollars for each prisoner including officers, but deducting from the number in the hands of the Bashaw those promised to Capt. Dale to be released in return for the release of some of the Bashaw’s subjects who had been captured by him, and also as many as may be considered an equivalent for the captures of Capt. Preble.  A desirable shape to give the ransom money would be an annuity payable in four or five instalments.  This rate of ransom must not be yielded however without such a change of our affairs by accident to the Squadron or by other powers joining against us in the war as is very unlikely to happen:  and you will bear in mind that the sum of 500 dollars per man connected with the terms which were otherwise favorable was the voluntary offer of the Bashaw to Capt. Preble in the month of January prior to the reverse which he has since experienced, and to his knowledge of the force now sent against him. . . . Shortly after Lear arrived in North Africa the U.S. Navy opened a new campaign against the Pasha (August, 1804).  Eventually, the Pasha dropped his demand for the payment of American tribute and accepted $60,000.00, about half what he had previously demanded, as a ransom for the crew of the Philadelphia after a series of meetings with Lear.  A treaty of peace and amity was signed with Tripoli on 4 June 1805.  Lear remained as consul in Algiers until the beginning of the War of 1812. An important diplomatic letter from Madison on the Tripolitan War.

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Madison, James. Autograph letter signed, 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.)

Lot 63: Madison, James. Autograph letter signed, 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 63. Madison, James.  Autograph letter signed, 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.), “Montpelier,” 12 August 1824 to Thomas Jefferson at Monticello; docketed by Jefferson on verso Madison James Montpellier Aug. 12.24.  recd Aug. 13.; repair to tear at right margin.  James Madison writes to Thomas Jefferson with his comments on a Napoleon portrait. Madison writes in full: The bearer Mr. E. Tayloe, son of Col. Tayloe of Washington is desirous of making a respectful call at Monticello, and I can not refuse to his motive, the gratification of a line presenting him to you.  He is at present a resident at Fredericksburg, reading Law with his kinsman Mr. Lomax; and appears to be quite estimable & amiable. Mr. T. is so good as to take charge of the 4 last volumes of Law Cases, which have been waiting for some such oppy. to get back to you.  With every allowance for the painting talent & partial pencil of the author, the picture of Napoleon, exhibits a most gigantic mind & with some better features than the world had seen in his character.     No doubt, Madison is referring to the Reports of Cases Determined in the General Court of Virginia from 1730 to 1740, and from 1768 to 1772, edited by Thomas Jefferson and published in 1829, after his death.

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Madison, James. Rare autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.)

Lot 64: Madison, James. Rare autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.)

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Description: 64. Madison, James. Rare autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (10 x 8 in.; 254 x 203 mm.), “Washington,” 26 October 1811 to Tobias Lear, serving as consul general to Algiers; splits to horizontal folds, page fold reinforced. While war with Great Britain looms ominously, President James Madison keeps in close contact with one of his foreign ministers in another hostile region:  Algiers and the Barbary States. Madison, first discussing an exchange of livestock and grain, writes in part: I must particularly thank you for the Sheep & Wheat accompanied by one of them.  The Wheat was sown partly by myself, and partly by several friends among whom it was distributed in order to multiply experiments, and secure its propagation.  In every instance however it was put so late into the earth, that another year will be necessary to test its merits.  It was remarked that it did not escape the aggressions of the Hessian Fly, more than other Wheats in the vicinity.  This circumstances attracted notice, because it decides a late Theory, which maintains that the Egg of that insect is deposited in the grain, and may be destroyed by steeps; unless indeed the insect be known in Barbary, which I presume not to be the case.  The Sheep arrived all safe; one of these proving however to be a wedder, not a ram.  The others were disposed of, 1 to Mr Jefferson, 1 to Capt: Coln.  1 to Genr Claiborne, and one to a friend in this neighborhood.  For myself, I retained the ram with 4 horns, the oldest Broad tail, and the lamb of that breed; hoping that way to prolong my possession of an imported breeder.  The Lamb however was killed by accident before he reached my farm; and the 4 horned ram died soon after.  Retaining therefore, the old ram only, and feeding the mutton of the broad tails of which I have for some years had a mixture of blood in my flocks, I am induced to ask the favor of you to procure in a pair, or if readily to be done, more than one pair of those animals.  The only objection to the breed is the coarseness, and almost hairiness of the wool.  It is desirable therefore, that, as differences were noticed in the fleeces, the selection be made of the individuals least objectionable on that score.  Perhaps there may be broad-tailed families in Algiers, cloathed with fine fleeces; fairer even than those of one ordinary sheep.  It is certain than in Tunis, towards the mountains at least, there are broad-tailed sheep, with fleeces considerable finer than our common wool.  I have seen samples of them, from a flock of Judge Peters, who sent them to me, with a sample of cloth made of the material, & like an Eulogium on the longevity, the mutton, & other merits of the Sheep.  I understand also that, Southward of Tripoli there is a broad-tail sheep, equally remarkable for the succulence of the meat, & a fineness of wool, almost rivalling that of the Merino . . . . The President then turns to state affairs: For intelligence I refer you to communications from the Dept Of State; and to the newspapers, which will accompany them.  From the later you will gather the general state of our relations with Europe, the progress of things in Spanish America, and the temper of this Country as to both.  The general state of things at home will also be disclosed thro the same channel.  With the exception of our embarrassed commerce, the prosperity was never greater.  As the basis of it we have more universally redundant crops of every kind, than we remembered. In Washington a month before the new Congress was to convene, President Madison spent this anxious time discussing with his Cabinet the initial message to Congress, a tough-worded reiteration of his opposition to British atrocities on the high seas, specifically, the impressment of American seamen.  But the changing mood of the country against Britain had given him a powerful ally in his campaign to raise American resistance:  the U.S. Congress. The recent elections had brought into power a small but significant vocal minority, soon to be known as the “War Hawks.” These representatives included some of the most revered and influential men to ever sit in the House:  John C. Calhoun, William Lowndes, and Langdon Chevers of South Carolina; Henry Clay and Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky; and Felix Grundy and John Sevier of Tennessee. The “War Hawk” Congress convened on November 4, 1811, just nine days after the date of the present letter.  Clay was elected Speaker of the House, and the other members of the new “War Hawk” faction managed to take control of several crucial committees.  Consequently, Madison’s 5 November message to Congress, in which he called for the expansion of the Navy and an increase in expenditures for war preparations, was warmly received.  With this speech the young United States, in defense of both national pride and free commerce, began the inexorable slide toward war with Great Britain.

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Malcolm X [Little, Malcolm]. Rare and important typed letter signed, 1 page (10 3/8 x 7 ¼ in.)

Lot 65: Malcolm X [Little, Malcolm]. Rare and important typed letter signed, 1 page (10 3/8 x 7 ¼ in.)

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Description: 65. Malcolm X [Little, Malcolm]. Rare and important typed letter signed (“Malcolm X”), 1 page (10 3/8 x 7 ¼ in.; 264 x 184 mm.), “New York,” 2 February 1965 to Miss Ellenie R. Ash of Amsden, Ohio, on his letterhead stationery with “Malcolm X” in red script lettering at head; scattered spotting. Malcolm X asserts he does not hate white Americans. Malcolm X writes in full: I hate no one because of their color. My judgement of people is based upon their deeds, their intentions, their conscious behavior. However, the strong position of economic and political power and prestige enjoyed by the present generation of white Americans does stem from the exploitation done to millions of BLACKS here in this country during slavery by the past generations of whites. The negative characteristics in most Black Communities aren’t inherent weaknesses of The Blacks, but are the effects that still are with us from the days of slavery. Slavery was so cruel and inhuman that we in this present generation still bear the scars from what was done to our grandparents by your grandparents. However, if anything meaningful is ever done by whites to undo the physical and psychological harm done by slavery to the Blacks...it will have to be done by the young whites of your generation. Moslem is only the anglicised form of the Arabic word Muslim. Moslem and Muslim are the same word, with the same meaning. It means one who has submitted himself completely to the will of God, by accepting Islam, which in Arabic only means the ‘religion of submission to God’ Shortly after this letter, in the middle of February 1965, Malcolm X’s home was fire-bombed. He believed that leaders of the Nation of Islam--and even more powerful elements within the American government--wanted him dead. Then, one week after the fire-bombing, on 21 February, Malcolm X was assassinated at the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem. Three men, two of them Black Muslims, were convicted of the killing and given life sentences; the trial did not reveal whether or not the assassins were part of a conspiracy. During his lifetime, Malcolm X influenced disparate wings of the black movement. His greatest contribution was the raising of the Afro-American consciousness to the racial pride necessary to the struggle for equality.

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Monroe, James. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 ¼ in.; 222 x 184 mm)

Lot 66: Monroe, James. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 ¼ in.; 222 x 184 mm)

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Description: 66. Monroe, James. Autograph letter signedas Governor of Virginia, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 ¼ in.; 222 x 184 mm.), “Richmond,” 12 July 1800 to St. George Tucker; light browning, small splits to horizontal folds, one repaired. James Monroe in agreement with St. George Tucker’s analysis of the development of United States law. St. George Tucker was an important American jurist who produced an annotated edition of the Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone whose works on English law were the most important legal writings in the early years of the United States. Monroe makes an important comment about how great the American Revolution’s effect was on institutions, which had been imported from the Old World.  He is discussing a manuscript by Tucker, which must have been his work soon to be published under the title “Examination of the Question: How Far from the Common Law of England Is the Law of the Federal Government of the United States?”Monroe writes very favorably of Tucker’s analysis, wishing only that he carried some of his examples further.  Monroe writes in full: Immediately on yr. leaving Richmond I procured the manuscript you authorised me to peruse, on the question, whether the common.  Law of England is in force under the constitution of the U. States, and can assure you I was highly gratified by the perusal of it. I think it an excellent essay on that subject and likely to produce a considerable effect especially with the more enlightened part of the community.  It is the first regular analysis I have seen of the change wrought by our revolution on the feudal institutions of Europe, tending to shew how complete that revolution was in the principles of our government and legislation.  The pamphlet will I think be read generally and referr’d to in some views as authority in our courts.  The only defect I see in it is that it does not in some cases persue the illustration as far as it might and ought for many of those who will read it. Some it is true will take the idea and carry it thro without further aid but others may not be able to do it.  This however may be corrected in a republication hereafter if indeed the objection is a sound one.  I have returned the paper as soon as I had read it... Tucker’s was printed by Dixon at Richmond as a 42-page quarto pamphlet, but according to Sabin the exact year is not known.  This letter would seem to place it at circa later in 1800.  At this time, Tucker was a judge in the Virginia General Court.  An important letter concerning a central question in the development of United States law, with Monroe’s significant remark that Tucker’s work tends to show how complete that revolution was in the principles of our government and legislation.

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Monroe, James. Important letter signed as Secretary of War, 1 page (10 x 7 5/8 in.; 254 x 194 mm.)

Lot 67: Monroe, James. Important letter signed as Secretary of War, 1 page (10 x 7 5/8 in.; 254 x 194 mm.)

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Description: 67. Monroe, James. Important letter signed as Secretary of War, 1 page (10 x 7 5/8 in.; 254 x 194 mm.), “Washington,” 3 October 1814 to Kentucky Governor Isaac Shelby Isaac, a former officer in the Revolutionary War; light browning, paper losses to integral blank. During the closing days of the War of 1812, Secretary of War James Monroe orders up additional troops from Kentucky and Tennessee to reinforce Andrew Jackson--soon to fight the legendary Battle of New Orleans.  Monroe writes in full: General Jackson having called to his aid two thousand five hundred men from Tennessee and this department having ordered five thousand, from that state to join General Jackson, making a total of 7500 men, and which number upon further reflection is thought to be to be [sic] too great to call out at one time from that state; you are therefore requested to furnish form the state of Kentucky 2500 men, to substitute that number called form the state of Tennessee, and advise the governor of that state whether you can do so or not.  Should any unforseen circumstances occur to prevent your furnishing them, they must go from Tennessee.  You will take the necessary measures to forward these men to General Jackson with all possible dispatch. In May of 1814, General Andrew Jackson was named commander of Military District No. 7, including the Mobile-New Orleans area and the U.S. army in the southwest.  Immediately, he prepared an invasion of Spanish Florida. On 23-24 December 1814, Jackson led 5,000 troops, supported by the 14-gun war schooner Carolina, in a night attack upon the enemy.  The attack, which checked the British advance, was followed by a furious artillery battle on 1 January 1815, in which the Americans outgunned the enemy.  The Battle of New Orleans, in which these men from Kentucky and Tennessee were destined to participate, was fought on 8 January 1815, lasting but thirty minutes; it was the last major engagement of the War of 1812, and was fought after the peace treaty had been signed but before news of the treaty reached New Orleans.  Yet the battle was not an exercise in futility. It is very doubtful that, had the British won the battle and taken New Orleans, they would have ratified the treaty, signed or not.  An important letter as Monroe orders into battle the troops who would forever put an end to British influence in America.

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Monroe, James. Autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (9 7/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 251 x 210 mm.)

Lot 68: Monroe, James. Autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (9 7/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 251 x 210 mm.)

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Description: 68. Monroe, James, Autograph letter signed as President, 3 pages (9 7/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 251 x 210 mm.), “Washington,” 4 July 1823 to Charles Jared Ingersoll, U.S. District Attorney for Pennsylvania; splits to vertical folds. Laying the groundwork for the Monroe Doctrine. On September 4, 1821, the Russian Czar issued an imperial decree extending Russian claims along the Pacific coast to north of the 51st parallel (within the Oregon territory) and closing the surrounding waters (including the important Bering Strait) to the commercial shipping of other powers.  The Russian claim was challenged by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who informed the Russian minister to the U.S. that “we should contest the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on this continent, and that we should assume distinctly the principle that the American continents are no longer subjects for any new European colonial establishments.” In the summer of 1823, President Monroe and his Secretary of State John Quincy Adams concluded a treaty with the Czar of Russia delimiting Russia’s sphere of activities on the Pacific coast.  Monroe writes in part: Mr [Secretary of State John Quincy] Adams has been most intensely engaged in preparing instructions, to our ministers, in G. Britain, & Russia, Spain, & the new govts. in So America, & has I presume not been able to answer your letters.  That he had no other motive for the omission, I am well satisfied from his reading to me, a passage in your letter, respecting Russia, which he thought entitled to great consideration.  I told him that you had written to me to the same effect.  The fact is, the Emperor took that step, without much consideration, as was manifest, from what occurr’d, on the first mov[e]ment of Mr [Henry] Middleton [the American Minister to St. Petersburg] on it; his govt. showing a desire to withdraw from it, in a quiet & friendly manner.  The ukase [decree] was alterd as to the sea, & an invitation given to treat on the subject at St. Petersburg, with an intimation that a like invitation had been made to G. B., & been accepted by her.  I am strongly impress[e]d with the opinion that the affair will be arrangd amicably, to our satisfaction.  Whatever documents we have, you shall be furnished with, relating to the philosophical topic mentiond in yours just recd., and I am satisfied that Mr Adams, will cheerfully, after the present urgency ceases, add any light to be taken from his own resources. Nine months after this letter, on 17 April 1824, Henry Middleton, the American Minister to St. Petersburg, acting on instructions similar to those sent to Richard Rush, Minister to Great Britain, concerning American claims in the North West, concluded an agreement in which the Russians agreed to confine their operations north of 54’60”.  In addition, the Russians, by recognizing the American position on freedom of the seas, abandoned their efforts to establish a mare clausum in the Pacific.  As well, permission was granted to American merchants to trade in the unsettled regions north of 54’60”for ten years.  In return, the U.S. renounced all claims to territory north of that line. To President Monroe, the treaty proved that the Czar had “great respect” for the United States.  The agreement, ratified by the Senate with only one dissenting vote, further protected America’s claim to Oregon.  This treaty was most significant in that it laid the groundwork for the principle regarding future European colonization in the New World, which was to become more familiar after its incorporation in the Monroe Doctrine. In his annual message to Congress on 2 December 1823, President Monroe repeated Adams’ formula virtually in Adams’ own words, announcing it as the Monroe Doctrine.  Monroe declared that “the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.”  The historic doctrine supplemented a previous formula, that the there should be as little political connection between America and Europe and America as possible, with the statement that the United States would exclude European intervention in the New World.

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Morris, Robert. Letter signed (

Lot 69: Morris, Robert. Letter signed ("Robt Morris"), 4 pages (9 ¼ x 7 5/8 in.; 235 x 194 mm.)

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Description: 69. Morris, Robert. Letter signed (“Robt Morris”), 4 pages (9 ¼ x 7 5/8 in.; 235 x 194 mm.), “Philadelphia,” 26 May 1797, to Alexander Wilcocks and James Gibran; browning and scattered spotting. I hope there is not a citizen in the United States who knows anything of me that does not believe that I ever have been or ever shall be ready and willing to pay all just debts when I have the means of doing it. Morris requests that Wilcocks and Gibran perform a service in the character of Friends, as well as that of my Counsel, he writes, in part:...some of the parties who have obtained judgments have taken out Casas in the Expectation that the dread of Imprisonment would force me into exertions for the Payment of their Debts, and they have thought (knowing the difficulty of raising Money) that the first that laid hold of me would be the first paid.  I hope there is not a citizen in the United States who knows anything of me that does not believe that I ever have been or ever shall be ready and willing to pay all just Debts when I have the means of doing it...  You will receive herewith a List of the Gent. of the Bar as far as I know them, who are employed in the actions against me, and it is my desire that you immediately apply to them personally, & request that they procure from their respective clients an Authorization under which they can direct the Sheriff not to execute any of the writs ... until the last day of August. Morris proceeds to give details of specific instructions as to how the matter of contacting the creditors is to be handled. One of the most important financiers of the American Revolution, Morris lost all of his vast fortune and land investments in the 1790s as a result of the Napoleonic wars.  In February of 1798, he was arrested and taken to a debtor’s prison where he remained for over three years.  When he was finally released, he was a frail and broken man.

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Paine, Thomas. Important autograph letter signed, 3 pages (9 x 7 ¼ in.; 229 x 184 mm.)

Lot 70: Paine, Thomas. Important autograph letter signed, 3 pages (9 x 7 ¼ in.; 229 x 184 mm.)

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Description: 70. Paine, Thomas. Important autograph letter signed, 3 pages (9 x 7 ¼ in.; 229 x 184 mm.), “London,” 20 November 1787 to the 1st Marquis of Lansdowne; docketed on verso of third page; light soiling. Sincerely do I wish that this infamous business of perpetual wrangling between England & France might end. Paine extends his thanks to his correspondent for his kind invitation to Boxwood and explains: I had written to your Lordship my thanks and discanted [sic] a little on the then state of public affairs, but they appearing to grow every day more perplexing, I determined to lay it aside--this, together with the hopes of seeing your Lordship in town at an earlier period, than mentioned in your letter, will I hope interest you to excuse the omission. Paine proceeds to expound on the precarious political situation with France and England: Sincerely do I wish that this infamous business of perpetual wrangling between England & France might end. It would be called by a coarser name than I chuse to express were a like case to happen between two individuals; and it is a curious paradox that enlightened nations should have less sense than enlightened individuals. Hoping for peace among the two countries, Paine continues: I most heartily wish that some great line of Politics, worthy of an opposition might be struck out. Peace might be easily preferred were proper persons in the management of affairs. There are so many of these in France who would very heartily concur in such a measure, and unless this be done it appears, at least to me, that something worse than war will follow, for tho’ France is not in good condition for war, England is still worse. Paine closes his letter noting he is enclosing a pamphlet which has just made its appearance. Most likely the enclosed pamphlet was Prospects on the Rubicon, or an investigation into the causes and consequences of the politics to be agitated at the meeting of Parliament. A thoughtful letter by Paine as he grapples with the fraught political climate in France and England. Enclosed with the lot is a copy of A Letter to the Earl of Shelburne, now Marquis of Lansdowne, on his Speech, July 10, 1782, respecting the acknowledgement of American Independence. New edition 1791, stitched as issued. Provenance: Christie’s London, 12 October 1994, lot 53.

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Paine, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph manuscript signed,

Lot 71: Paine, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph manuscript signed, "Federal City," 1 January 1803, 8 pages

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Description: 71. Paine, Thomas. Extraordinary autograph manuscript signed, “Federal City,” 1 January 1803, 8 pages, consisting of three leaves measuring (12 ½ x 7 ¾ in.; 318 x 197 mm), one leaf measuring (8 ½x 7 ¾ in.; 216 x 197 mm); browning and staining, marginal paper losses affecting a few characters of a few words of text. A remarkable and exceptionally rare eight-page Thomas Paine autograph manuscript. The present manuscript completely in Paine’s hand and boldly signed in full (“Thomas Paine”) is of the highest rarity, desirability, and importance.  The manuscript was written shortly after Paine’s return to America after fifteen years in Europe, during which time he had written the Rights of Man and the Age of Reason and had encouraged and supported revolution in England and France; in England he was tried and found guilty of publishing seditious literature, and in France he was elected to the National Convention and later arrested and nearly executed. The eight pages actually contain three individual manuscripts,all in Paine’s hand. The first manuscript (page 1) contains an apparently unfinished draft of a satirical article on the comparative vices of the “Prude” (a vice displayed by ladies) and the “Fop” (a vice displayed by gentlemen). The second manuscript  (pages 2-7) is of extraordinary importance: a six-page signed draft of Samuel Adams’ letter criticizing Paine’s Age of Reason and Paine’s lengthy response to this letter. The third manuscript  (page 8) contains a risqué riddle, followed by the answer, the word “GLASS” in large capital letters one inch tall: What word is that which all man loves [GLASS]/ And by taking away the first letter most men loves [LASS]/ And by taking away the two first letters shews the/ character of a man that loves Neither [ASS]. Adams’ letter and Paine’s response were printed on the front page of the January 26, 1803 issue (Vol. Ill, No. CCCLIV) of the National Intelligencer and Washington Advertiser. The issue begins with an explanatory note by Paine: Towards the latter end of last December I received a letter from a venerable patriot, Samuel Adams, dated Boston, November 30. It came by private hand, which I suppose was the cause of the delay. I wrote Mr. Adams an answer dated January 1st, and that I might be certain of his receiving it, and also that I might know of that reception, I desired a friend of mine at Washington to put it under cover to some friend of his at Boston, and desire him to present it to Mr. Adams.  The letter was accordingly put under cover while I was present and given to one of the clerks of the Post­ Office to seal and put in the mail. The clerk put it in his pocket-book, and either forgot to put it in the mail, or supposed he had done so among other letters.  The Post-master General, on learning this mistake, informed me of it last Saturday, and as the cover was then out of date, the letter was put under a new cover with the same request and forwarded by post. I felt concern at this accident lest Mr. Adams should conclude I was unmindful his attention receiving it, as well as to relieve myself from that concern, I give the letter the opportunity of reaching him by the news-papers. I am the more induced to do this, because some manuscript copies have been taken of both letters, and therefore, there is a possibility of imperfect copies getting into print; and besides this, if some of the federal printers, (for I hope they are not all base alike) could get hold of a copy they would make no scruple of altering it and publishing it as mine. I therefore send you the original letter of Mr. Adams and my own copy of the answer.  Thomas Paine. Federal City, January 22, 1803. This explanation is followed by Samuel Adams’ original November 30, 1802 letter to Paine, reprinted in its entirety, and Paine’s response. The original manuscript herewith contains the majority of the printed text in draft form. The printed and handwritten versions of the texts are remarkably similar; the latter contains crossed-out words, minor corrections, word insertions, and a lack of consistent capitalization, spelling, and punctuation, all of which were corrected in the printed version. The manuscript is apparently without one leaf which contained the last three lines of Adams’ letter and the first four paragraphs of Paine’s response, the text of which are supplied within brackets in the transcript of the manuscript. Paine left America for Europe in 1787, where he continued the fight for freedom in England and in France.  Paine was considered most knowledgeable in the new republican form of government. His challenge to the English Government and his defense of the French Revolution. Paine was elected to the National Convention, which in 1793 acted as a jury in the trial of Louis XVI, King of France. Paine fought with vigor to save the life of Louis XVI. When the death sentence was voted, Paine, through an interpreter made a dire plea. Despite Paine’s plea the death sentence was approved 380-310. Paine later was to pay heavily for his dramatic attempt to save the King’s life, when the radicals under Robespierre took over the power. In 1793 Paine, devoted his attention to publishing what he had long had on his mind, his religious beliefs. He called his manuscript “The Age of Reason,” and had Lanthenas translate it into French, intending to publish it in Paris to combat the growing atheistic movement. On 27 December 1793, Paine was barred from the National Convention because of his English birth, and the following day he was arrested and taken to the Luxemburg prison. En route, he arranged to meet Joel Barlow, who was proofreading his work, and personally handed over the remainder of the manuscript. While Paine was imprisoned, Barlow had the work published. Paine was imprisoned for seven months and narrowly escaped the guillotine. He was released from prison on 15 November 1794, after the fall of Robespierre. Paine returned to America on 30 October 1802.  Disgusted with the stamping out of freedom by Napoleon and the strong measures taken by England against his principles Paine returned to America, where he hoped to find freedom. Thomas Jefferson, Paine’s most steadfast admirer, was President at the time. Paine was immediately attacked by both friends and enemies as an atheist and infidel for this publication of the Age of Reason nearly ten years before. His well-considered theism, fruit of so much thought, was suddenly called infidelity or atheism.  Samuel Adams, the prominent  Revolutionary leader from Massachusetts, who had highly praised Paine for his Common Sense and the Crisis, wrote Paine on 30 November 1802, accusing his eminent friend of infidelity. Paine replied, giving additional arguments in defense of his religious beliefs. A complete transcription of the manuscript follows, retaining Paine’s original spelling and punctuation. Text lacking from the manuscript but present in the printed version has been supplied within brackets. [Page 1--First Manuscript] Fellow Citizens I have taken it into considerations it hath been Queried which the Prude or the Fop is (the Most usefull in Society, and) worthy of the greatest Respect (as to the utility in society I shall pass by with few observations only) and from the two proposed characters I shall treat both Little respect. But as I am of turn Inclined to favour the Ladies. I will make some observations on behalf of the Prude. in preference to the Fop, th’o I quite freely oppose both, but except we distinguish them we can have no debate, therefore I oppose the Fop only. 1st, What (gentlemen) can we conceive more Rediculas and truly absurd a young man just in his prime of health  & strength the veny time he shoud exercise all his functions and foremost efforts in procuring what might be a comfortable subsistance. Thr’o the infinite variety of chances. not knowing what might be his fate. whether by some Impediment or old age. he might become so abased as to be incapable of pesueing any science or branch of Business that wou’d be adequate for his Subsistence. what I Say can be more imprudent than this. to pass the Precious time of the tender youth in the vanity & pride of this world, to appear in all its pomp and grandeur for a short space, & at length by some cruel accident the system of grandeur fall. 0 what a Rare change, what a cruel Necessity there is to Summons all the thriving Calculations on the plan of Oeconomy to procure an independent Subsistence which will be infalable beyond all accidents, Rather than to become a vagabond & Nuisent in Society. 0, poor fop, thy case is Lamentable, a Specteckle like this so engaging and awfully Sublime is worthy of Notice by every good morral citizen. 2nd, By your Leave gentlemen, I’ll proceed to make some appollogy for the tirade, for error has claim to indulgence if not to Respect there[fore] I will indulge all the female sect by a few words of congratulation  [ ] hope none can oppose it, after my observations are Laid down, I feel [ ] that such a proposition was brought in question, for the preceeding observations will not admit of treating the present character with much Respect for I have asserted that both is vanity and error but by the custom of the country we are  all certain that the Ladies have not the opportunity of going in company and making their bargains to such satisfactory & perfection as the gentlemen  have. [Page 2--Second Manuscript] From The National Intellegence Boston Nov. 30th 1802 Sir, I have frequently with pleasure reflected on your Service to my native and your adopted country, your Common Sense, and your Crisis unquestionably awaked the public mind, and led the people loudly to call for a declaration of our national independence, I therefore esteem you a warm friend to the liberty and lasting welware of the human race. But when I eard that you had turned your mind to a defence of infidelity, I felt myself much astonished, and more grieved, that you had attempted a measure so injurous to the feelings and so repugnant to the true Interest of so great a part of the citizens of the united states. the people of new england, if you will allow me to use a Scripture phrase, are fast Returning to their first love, will you excite among them the Spirit of angry contraversy, at a time when the are hastening to unity and pease. I am told that some of ur news papers have announced your intention to publish an additional pamphlet upon the principals of your age of Reason. Do you think that your pen, or the pen of other man can unchristianize the mass of our [citizens] or have you hopes of Converting a few of them to [assist] you in so bad a cause? we ought to think ourselvs happy in the enjoyment of opineon without the Danger of Persecution by Civil or ecclesiastical Law. Our friend the present president of the united States has been calumniated for his liberal Sentiments By men, who attributed that liberality to a [latent design to promote the cause of infidelity.  This, and all other slanders have been made without a shadow of proof. Neither religion, nor liberty, can long subsist in the tumult of altercation, and amidst the noise and violence of faction. Feluqui Cautus. Adieu. Samuel Adams.] [To Samuel Adams. My dear and venerable friend, I received with great pleasure your friendly and affectionate letter of November 30th, and I thank you also for the frankness of it. Between men in pursuit of the truth, and whole object is the happiness of man both here and hereafter, there ought to be no reserve. Even error has a claim to indulgence, if not to respect, when it is believed to be truth. I am obliged to you for your affectionate remembrance of what you stile my services in the awakening the public mind to the declaration of independence and supporting it after it was declared. I also, like you, have often looked back on thos times, and have thought, that if independence had not been declared at the time it was the public mind could not have been brought up to it afterwards.  It will immediately occur to you, who were so intimately acquainted with the situation of things at that time, that I allude to the black times of Seventy-Six; for though I know, and you my friend also know, they were no other than the natural consequences of the military blunders of the campaign, the country might have viewed them as proceeding from a natural inability to support its cause against the enemy, and have sunk under the despondency of that misconceived idea. This was the impression against which it was necessary the country should be strongly animated. [I now come to the second part of your letter, on which I shall be as frank with you as you are with me. “But  (say you) when I heard you had turned your mind to a defence of infidelity, I felt myself much astonished....” What, my good friend, do you call believing in God infidelity? for that is the great point maintained in the Age of Reason against all divided beliefs and allegorical divinities. The bishop of Landaff (Doctor Watson) not only acknowledges this, but pays me some compliments upon it in his answer to the second part of that work. “There is (says he) a philosophical sublimity in some of your ideas when speaking of the Creator of the Universe.”] [What then (my much esteemed friend for I do not respect you the less because we differ, and that perhaps not much, in religious sentiments) what I ask, is this thing called infidelity?  If we go back to your ancestors and mine, three or four hundred years ago, for we must have had fathers and grandfathers or we should not be here, we shall find them praying to saints and virgins, and believing in purgatory and transubstantiation, and therefore all of us are infidels according to our forefathers belief. If we go back to times more antient we shall again be infidels according to the belief of some other forefathers.] [The case, my friend, is that the world has been over-run with fable and creeds of human invention, with sectaries of whole nations, against other nations, and sectaries of those sectaries in each of them against each other. Every sectary, except the quakers, has been a persecutor. Those who fled] [Page 3] from persecution persecuted in their turn, and it is this confusion of creeds that has filled the world with persecution and deluged it with blood. even the depredation on your commerce by the barbary powers [sprange from the crusades of the church against these powers]. it was a war of creed against creed boasting of god for its auther and reviling each other with the name of infidel. If I do not believe as you believe it proves that you do not believe as I believe, and this is all it proves. There is however one point of union wherein all relgions meet, and that is in the first artical of every mans creed and of every nations creed that has any creed at all. I believe in god-­ those who rest here, and there are millions who do, can not be rong as far as their creed goes. those who chose to go further may be rong. for it is impossible that all can be right since there is so much contradiction among [them]. the first, therefore, are in my opinion on the safest side. I presume you are so far acquainted with ecclesiastical history as to know, and the bishop who has answered me has been obliged to acknowledge the fact, that the books that compose the N. Testament were voted by yeas and nays to be the word of god (as you now vote a law) by the popish councils Nice and Laodocia about 1450 years ago. with respect to the fact there is no dispute, neither do I mention it for the sake of contraversy. this vote may appear  authority enough to some and not authority enough to others. it is proper however that every body should know the fact. With Respect to the age of Reason, which you so much condemn, and that I believe without having read it, for you say only that you have heard of it, I will inform you of a circumstance because you cannot know it by other means. I have said in the first page of the [first] part of the work, that it had long been my intention to publish my thoughts upon religion, but that I reserved it to later time of life. I have now to inform you why I wrote it and published it at the time I did. In the first place I saw my life in continual danger. my friends were falling as fast as the guillotine could cut their heads [page 4] off. and as I every day expected the same fate, I resolved to begin my work. I appeared to my Self to be on my Deathbed. for death was on every side of me, and I had no time to lose this accounts for my writing at the time I did, and so nicely did the time and the intention meet, that I had not finished the first part of the work more than six hours before I was arrested an taken to prison. Joel Barlow was with me and knows the fact.  In the second place the people of france were running headlong into atheism, and I had the work translated into their own language to stop them in that career and fix them to the first article (as I have before said) of every mans creed who has any creed at all. I believe in god. I endangered my own life. in the first place by opposing in the convention the execution of the king. and labouring to shew the were trying the monarchy. and not the man. and that the crimes imputed to him were the crimes of the monarchial sistem. And I endangered it a second time by opposing atheism. And yet some of your priests, for I do not believe that all are perverse-- cry out, in the war whoop of the monarchial priest-craft what an infidel: what a wicked man is thomas paine; the might as well add for he believed in god and is against shedding blood. But all the war whoop of the pulpit has some concealed object. Religion is not the cause. but is the stalking horse. the put it forward to conceal themselves behind it. It is not a secret that there has been a party composed of the leaders of the federalists. for I Do not include all federalists by their leaders who have been working by various means for several years past to overturn the federal constitution established on the representative sistem and plase government in the new world on the corrupt sistem of the old. to accomplish this a large standing army was necessary and as a pretence for such an army the danger of foreign invation must be bellowed forth from the pulpit. from the press and by their public orators. [page 5] I am not of a disposition inclined to Suspicion. it is in its nature  a mean and cowardly passion. and upon the whole even admiting error in the case it is [better, I am sure it is] more generous to be wrong on the side of confidence than on the side of suspicion. But I know as a fact that the english government distributed annually 1500 pounds sterling among the presbyterian ministers of england and 1000 among those of ireland, and when I hear of the strange discourses of some of your ministers and professors of colledges, I cannot as the quakers say find freedom to aquit them. their anti-revolutionary doctrines invite suspicion even against one’s own will. and in spite of one charity to believe well of them. As you have given me one scripture phrase I will give you another for those ministers. it is said in exodus chapter 22nd [verse 28] “thou shalt not revile the gods, nor curse the Rulers of thy people” but those people [ministers] such I mean as Dr. Emmons, curse ruler and people both for the majority are, politically. the people, and it is those who have chosen the Ruler whom the curse.as to the first part of the verse, that of not reviling the gods. it makes no part of my scripture, I have but one god. Since I began this letter, for I write it by piece-meals as I have leisure, I have seen the four letters that passed between you and John Adams. in your first letter you say “let divines and philosophers, statemen and patriots write their endeavours to renovate the age  by inculcating in the minds of youth the fear and love of a Deity and universal philanthropy.” why, my dear friend this is my Religion exactly, and is the whole of it. that you may have an idea that the age of Reason (for I believe that you have not read it) inculcates this reverential fear and love of a Deity. I will give you a paragraph from it: [page 6] “Do you want to contempiate his power? we see it in the immensity of the creation.  Do we want to contemplate is wisdom? we see it in the unchangeable order by which the incomprehensible whole is governed. Do we want to contemplate his munificence? we see it in the abundance with which he fills the earth. Do we want to contemplate his mercy? we see it in his not with holding that abundance even from the unthankful.” As I am fully with you in your first part, that Respecting the Deity, so am I in your second that of universal philanthropy: by which I do not mean merely the Sentimental  benevolence of wishing well. but the practical benevolence  of doing good. we cannot serve the deity in the manner we serve those who cannot do without those services, he needs no service from us we can add nothing to eternity  but it is in our power to render  a service acceptible to him, and that is not by praying, but by endeavoring to make his creatures happy. a man does not serve god when he prays for it is himself he is trying to serve and as to hiring or paying men to pray, [as] if the Deity needed instruction, it is in my opinion abomination,  one good schoolmaster is of more use [and of much more value] than a load  of such persons as Dr. emmons and some others.   You my dear, & much Respected  friend, are far in the vale of years. I have yet I   believe some years in store. for I  have a good state of health and a happy mind and I  take care of both. by nourishing the first with temperance and the latter  with abundance. This I believe, you will allow the true philosophy of life you will see by my third letter to the citizens of the united states that I have been exposed to, and preserved through marry dangers, but instead of buffeting the Deity with prayers as if I distrusted him or must dictate to him, I repose myself on his protection; and you, my friend, will find, even in your last moments more consolation in the silence of resignation than in the murmuring wish of prayer. In everything which you say in your second letter  to [page  7] John Adams Respecting our rights as men and citizens in this world I am perfectly with you. on other points we have to answer to our creator and not to each other. the key of heaven is not in keeping of any sect, nor ought the road to it, to be obstructed  by any our Relation to each other in this world,is as men. and  the man who is a friend  to men. and to his Rights. let  his rights. let his Religious opinions be what the may. is a good citizen to whom I  can give as I  ought to do. ( and  as every other ought) the Right hand of fellowship, and to none with more hearty goodwill my dear friend, than to you. Federal  city Jan-1-1803 [page  8--Third Manuscript] What word is that which all man Loves And by taking away the first letter most men loves And by taking away the two first letters shews the character of a man that loves Neither GLASS Thomas Paine Without question, the most significant Paine manuscript to be sold at auction.

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Patton, George S. Typed letter signed (

Lot 72: Patton, George S. Typed letter signed ("G S Patton Jr.") 1 page, (10 ¾ x 7 1/8 in.; 273 x 181 mm.)

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Description: 72. Patton, George S. Typed letter signed (“G S Patton Jr.”) 1 page, (10 ¾ x 7 1/8 in.; 273 x 181 mm.), 22 August 1935 to “Jerry”, on stationery of the Headquarters Hawaiian Department Military Intelligence General Staff; fine condition. In light of the worsening world political situation Patton invests in munitions stocks. Patton provides his correspondent with detailed instructions on how to go about purchasing a munitions stock. Patton writes in full: I was surprised and delighted to find out I had some money with you inspite of my efforts in rubber checking...I am so convinced that a war will start soon that I wish you would gamble about $4000.00 of my money on munitions stock.  Possibly Vickers-Armstrong would be good as the British are not apt to put on embargoes.  However use your own judgement.  If when you get this it seems to you that the stock is already gone to high lay off.  However before you do that see where it sold in 1913 and then in 1918.  That should give you a good index asto where it will go. In a postscript, Patton notes in his own hand: Copper will also go up. P.  

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Pickering, Timothy. Fine autograph letter signed, 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.)

Lot 73: Pickering, Timothy. Fine autograph letter signed, 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 73. Pickering, Timothy. Fine autograph letter signed (“T. Pickering”), 1 page (9 ¾ x 7 ¾ in.; 248 x 197 mm.), “Washington,” 5 March 1816 to Robert Rantoul Esquire, integral address leaf with free frank, with seal tear and repair to marginal split at horizontal fold. Pickering objects to a bill passed by the House in his absence. With great conviction Pickering articulates his discontent over the passing of a bill to pay veterans who have lost both arms $40.00 monthly.  Pickering writes in full: An act has been passed granting special pensions to a few soldiers who have lost their limbs. To those who have lost both arms, forty dollars a month. The soldiers are named in the act. John Crampersey is one. The Senate had proposed $15. a month. By a sudden motion (I was absent on a committee) 40 dollars was proposed in the House! and heartily adopted. The allowance is disproportioned to any & all other provisions to disabled officers & soldiers.  You will see the act itself published in the Chronicle, where the U.S. laws are published. An important letter concerning compensation of wounded soldiers.

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Reagan, Ronald. Exceptional autograph letter signed (

Lot 74: Reagan, Ronald. Exceptional autograph letter signed ("Dad"), 4 pages (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in.; 267 x 184 mm.)

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Description: 74. Reagan, Ronald. Exceptional autograph letter signed (“Dad”), 4 pages (10 ½ x 7 ¼ in.; 267 x 184 mm.), [Malibu],“Sun. March 5” [c. early 1960’s], to his daughter, Patti, then attending high school in Arizona, on his personalized stationery printed “Ronald Reagan” at the head; together with: Patti Davis. Autograph letter signed, [no place] 11 April 1991, establishing provenance and discussing the circumstances under which her father has written the present letter to her. In a revealing letter written to his troubled daughter Patti, future President Ronald Reagan discusses the principles of honesty to which he adheres. Reagan writes in full: Yes -- turning yourself in was the right thing to do and I’m sure you feel better for having done it.  I’m sure you realize also that it was proper for the school to impose a punishment as they did.  If we could pay for rule breaking just by confessing it there wouldn’t be much law and order.  In the Bible we can read where Jesus heard confessions and promised forgiveness but on the condition that we would go forth and not commit the sin again. There are two issues here Dear Patti.  One is the fact that for two years you broke not only school rules but family rules and to do this you had to resort to tricks and deception.  Why is this of such great concern to the school or to me and your Mother?  The answer is very simple.  We are concerned that you can establish a pattern of living where in you accept dishonesty as a way of life. Let’s turn from you and translate it into someone else.  Would you be happy if you weren’t sure that I was quite honest?  Would you be comfortable if you had to wonder whether you could believe things I said?  Or if perhaps now you had to worry that maybe I was being dishonest in that job - that some day the paper would carry a story exposing me as a law breaker?  You know the answer of course.  But don’t you see - compromising with truth no matter how trivial does something to us.  The next time it serves our purpose we do it again and one day we find ourselves in trouble and we’re not quite sure why or how. Now issue number two - smoking itself.  I’m sure I don’t have to repeat all the reasons why it’s bad for you.  Science leaves us very little doubt about it anymore.  Yes I know many adults continue to smoke but I don’t know any who don’t wish they could quit.  That alone should tell you something - if they want to quit & can’t that’s pretty good proof that tobacco is capable of forming a habit stronger than human will power.  Unfortunately women are more susceptible to habits than men and find them much harder to break or change.  How many I’ve seen (among our friends) pregnant and told by the Dr. that smoking during pregnancy would harm their baby - but the habit was too strong.  You see it’s very hard to do something wrong and just hurt yourself. I enjoyed your poem although I read a touch of nostalgia.  There is nothing wrong with that, all our lives we build memories and the important thing is to build happy ones.  I too will remember the ranch with nostalgia but with great warmth for the happy days spent there.  You’ll be part of those memories - sitting up on a big black horse (Baby) in front of my saddle - splashing in the pool (without bathing suit) at age 3 and getting your own first horse. What keeps the memory from haunting us with unhappiness is if we have moved on to something equally or more enjoyable.  For example I built and loved a small ranch in the valley before you were born.  I remember it happily but then came the ranch you know - now there will be another ranch and so it goes.  There was Baby then Nancy D. and now it will be ‘Little Man.’  Life is to remember with pleasure and look forward with anticipation.  Your poem will add to the pleasure of remembering when we must leave this ranch and thank you for it. I must go now.  I hope you’ll accept and work out your hours without bitterness and with the intentions of not repeating the act that brought them about. I hope too you’ll continue to improve in your studies. We are all looking forward to Easter vacation together at Bama Deedees & Bapas.  They were over here for our wedding anniversary yesterday.  You’ll probably quit writing poems if you think each one will bring on a 4 page letter from me.  I promise not to do that often. The letter from Patti Davis provides the context for Reagan’s lengthy letter. In the body of the letter she explains in full: The letter was written in the early 60’s when I was in high school in Arizona.  My friends had been caught smoking and, although I had been smoking also I wasn’t caught.  I turned myself in, solidarity with my friends being very important to me.  My parents had been notified about this, but I wrote to my father explaining myself. The poem he refers to is a poem I wrote about the Malibu ranch which he had just sold.  I no longer have that poem. A letter of extraordinary content from the future fortieth President.

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Fine autograph letter signed (

Lot 75: Fine autograph letter signed ("Dad"), 2 pages (8 ½ x 6 3/8 in.; 216 x 162 mm.)

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Description: 75. Reagan, Ronald. Fine autograph letter signed (“Dad”), 2 pages (8 ½ x 6 3/8 in.; 216 x 162 mm.), “Los Angeles,” 24 December [1989] to his daughter, Patti; on his personalized stationery; with envelope. Reagan reaches out to his estranged daughter on Christmas Eve 1989. In his heartfelt letter, Reagan tries to connect with his daughter in an attempt to understand the separation between them. Noting his upcoming eightieth birthday, on 6 February 1990, Reagan feels his time on earth is short. Reagan writes in full: Alright I’ll quit bothering you but I had more in mind than arguing politics. The line in the song says it all; “The days dwindle down to a precious few.” On Feb. 6th I’ll be 80 years old. Your mother and I are hard put to understand the separation between us and our first born. It didn’t just happen with your growing up and leaving home. I can recall your mother coming home in tears after driving you to school. She couldn’t understand your complete silence even to the point of your not saying “good bye.” Was it having to share with a new born brother? I remember a loving daughter who never let us leave the house without waving good bye from the window. We have some snap shots that reveal a difference in a little girl. We ask ourselves, “what did we do wrong?’We were once a loving family. Well, as I said earlier “I’ll stop bothering you” but I don’t understand the separation of our family. I recall a little girl sitting on my lap and asking me to marry her. Her mother across the room behind her signaled me to say “yes.” So I did and explained we’d have to wait til she was a little older. A particularly poignant letter revealing an aging father’s dire wish to be close to his daughter again.

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Revere, Paul. Extraordinary autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.)

Lot 76: Revere, Paul. Extraordinary autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 76. Revere, Paul.  Extraordinary autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.), “Boston,” February, 1810, to his son, Joseph Warren, in London. Illustrated on last page, as Revere has sketched a diagram of a roller used in his copper mill near the foot, along with its dimensions; with address overleaf penned entirely in his own hand; light browning. Fearful that the country is drifting towards war with Britain, Paul Revere expresses anger over the Madison Administration’s dealings with France and Great Britain, events that led directly to the War of 1812. Revere writes in part: I wrote you last by the Brittish Packet from N York, I mentioned Maynard  & Lamb had failed the first has been sometime in the West In’, the latter is in N York.  But little hopes they will take up the Note you got discounted I have heard nothing since you have been gone, either from Government, or Charlestown.  We have five ships in hand Goddard, Wood, Briggs, Cutts & Stevens, Thomas and Jacob Little.  I am in hopes if Carson does anything for us I shall be able to take up our Notes.  We are yet without any accounts of Your Brother John it has been a great weight on my Spirits which news from him would relieve.  Should he have arrived in England tell him to let me know what letters he has lost & I will endeavor to have them replaced ...We have had the most extraordinary weather ever knew; for myself, I cannot recollect  anything like it for forty years.  Until/ Jany 18 on Thursday the weather was very soft, similar to what you found inN York ...the morning was so pleasant, I concluded to go to Canton.  I took the two Boys & Joe in the Afternoon & evenings it rained About 10 in the Evening the wind got to North West, & blew quite a hurricane; & continued nearly a week; it was extremely Cold, the whole harbour in two days was so Closed with Ice, that it was passable in every direction from Boston.  It is now growing a little moderate.  Macon’s Bill (the one you mentioned at New York) has passed the House, gone to the Senate & now is said to have been hung up to dry. They are only waiting to hear from Europe.  I have as yet had nothing to Alter my Opinion respecting Our administration.  They are a set of Miserable politicians, what they do one day, they undo the next.  I see clearly, that French policy is there only study, and nothing but the fear of the New England States had kept them from involving in a War with Britain.  As to Madison, whatever I hoped from him, I now believe He is as much a Friend to France as Jefferson, and notwithstanding some of his Actions, He has been trying thro Armstrong, to form an alliance with France.  I do not write to John because I do not know where to write to, and you can communicate what I write you, do take every care if you meet him in England or elsewhere.  Lydia writes by this conveyance which goes by the way of Hallifax. The Family are in general well, all send their best love.  Mr Miller intends writing by the Packett but it is uncertain when she will sail. Revere then pens a drawing of a roller and writes its dimensions: Length of Body - 42 inches Diameter of Body - 13 ½ Length of Necks - 6¼ Diamr of Necks - 7 ? Length of Square - 4 ½ Size of Square - 5 inches The House bill of which Revere is speaking is that of Congressman Nathaniel Macon, entitled “Bill Number Two.”   Vehemently opposed by the Federalists, the bill permitted President Madison to resume trade with France and Great Britain, with the stipulation that if either of those countries removed its trade restriction before the beginning of March 1811, the Non-Intercourse Act would be re-invoked against the other. Revere, friendly with fellow-Bostonian John Adams, was allied with the Federalists.  The feeling in Boston at this time was very much against France; some anticipated war with England and it was thought that the French were scheming to promote such a conflict.  Such fears were well-founded; deception on the part of Napoleon led Madison to revive the Non-Intercourse Act against England in 1811, setting an inevitable course toward the War of 1812. Paul Revere was the first American to develop a method of rolling sheet copper, and built the first mill in the U.S., at Canton, Massachusetts, for that purpose. Previously, sheet copper had to be imported. By the time this letter was written the Revere family had a rolling mill in England, and Joseph Warren (named after Paul Revere’s friend, the patriot Joseph Warren, who sent Revere on his famous ride) was in England to look after that business. The drawing at the end of this letter is a roller of the kind used in his sheet copper rolling operations. He was probably giving his son specifications of a roller he wished to be used at their rolling mill in England.

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Rochambeau, Comte de. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 77: Rochambeau, Comte de. Autograph letter signed ("le Cte. De Rochambeau"), 10 page, (8 x 6 3/8 in.)

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Description: 77. Rochambeau, Comte de. Autograph letter signed (“le Cte. De Rochambeau”), 10 page, (8 x 6 3/8 in.; 203 x 162 mm.), “On the Duc de Bourgogne,” 2 May 1780 to an unnamed correspondent, with integral blank leaf. Written the day Rochambeau left France to aid the colonists in the American Revolutionary War. Rochambeau writes, in full: We are casting off at 5 am with a light North wind which hopefully is supposed to get stronger.  We will be ahead of Graves who will sail with the same wind, but from Plimouth; nevertheless, once he gets in Arburoth, he will join us in a harbor until a second division arrives, which will help restore our naval superiority and bring more troops if necessary.  He will said without a convoy and will arrive in New York earlier than we.  I entrust the friendship of my dear old comrade and the zeal of my ministry with carrying on with this expedition and its reinforcement, for the nation’s sake. At the age of fifty-five, after forty years of service, Rochambeau was at last given an independent command to head an expeditionary force of four thousand men whom the French government had decided to send to America to aid the colonists in their struggle for independence. Louis XVI, believing that England was ever ready to make war on France, now felt that he should step up the aid France was already giving England’s rebellious colonies. Moreover, Lafayette rekindled enthusiasm in Paris for the American cause.  The selection of the commander-in-chief appears to have been made by the Prince de Montbarey, the Secretary of the Army, who was wise enough to see that Rochambeau was better fitted for this difficult command than anyone else.  Rochambeau knew his métier. The French troops were to serve as a separate unit, but with the understanding he was to accommodate himself in every way to the wishes of General Washington. The instructions to Rochambeau made it clear that the French troops were serving as auxiliaries and that therefore they must always yield the place of honor to the Americans. By the end of March 1780, six regiments quartered near Brest were ready to embark but the lack of transports and unfavorable weather caused delay. Finally, on 2 May they got under way.  The corps was still too small for Rochambeau’s liking, but the officers were competent. On 18 June they overhauled a cutter, and learned the unwelcome news that the British had captured Charleston and taken four thousand prisoners.Following his victory at Charleston, General Clinton had returned to New York. Rochambeau realized that they could be of no use in the South and that they had better make for Rhode Island. After another week of skirting the coast through heavy fog, they reached Martha’s Vineyard, and from there American pilots steered the convoy into Newport Harbor. The Duc de Bourgogne, flagship of the fleet, dropped anchor early in the morning of 11 July 1780, and the troops disembarked as peacefully as if they had been landing at Brest.  The crossing had taken seventy days.

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Rodney, Caesar. Autograph letter, 2 pages (12 ¼ x 7 3/8 in.; 311 x 187 mm.)

Lot 78: Rodney, Caesar. Autograph letter, 2 pages (12 ¼ x 7 3/8 in.; 311 x 187 mm.)

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Description: 78. Rodney, Caesar. Autograph letter, 2 pages (12 ¼ x 7 3/8 in.; 311 x 187 mm.), [ca. 1778-79, during Rodney’s term as President of Delaware (1778-January 1782)], to the Delaware General Assembly delegates; repair to folds and left margin of first page. Caesar Rodney, as President of Delaware, encourages the Delaware General Assembly delegates to support the ratification of the 13 Articles of Confederation by Delaware’s representatives in the Continental Congress--the first step toward the creation of a permanent form of American government.  Rodney writes: The calling you together at so short a day from your last sitting gives me no small concern. I am not ignorant of the great Sacrifice you make to the public by leaving your families and private affairs so frequently. But am nevertheless persuaded that the importance of the business, which you are now called to decide upon, will in your opinions, justify the act of convening you. I must beg leave to recommend to your Honor the completing the several matters laid before you, by message, at your last sitting, particularly the Articles of Confederation. Congress are verry [sic] pressing to have the General Assembly decide on that matter and instruct their representatives in Congress accordingly . . . Since the last sitting of the General Assembly, I received and send you herewith Several Acts of Congress, to wit, an Act of the twenty sixth day of August 1776, for establishing a provision for Soldiers and Seamen maimed or disabled in the Service of the United States--to which is subjoined a Supplementary Act of the Twenty fifth of September 1778 for the Benefit of Maimed and disabled Volunteers in the Service of the States, antecedent to the date of the first above mentioned Act--An Act of the Twenty Sixth of September 1778 for organizing the public Treasury, and for providing an House for the several offices of Treasury--and an Act for holding a General Thanksgiving throughout the United States on Wednesday the Thirtieth of December next . . . . By June 1778, it was known that ten of the state legislatures had either ratified or were preparing to ratify the Articles. The three remaining states, Delaware, New Jersey and Maryland, were expected to fall into line. Instead, they balked at signing the Confederation because it failed to provide for the creation of a national domain in the west. By 1779, Delaware and New Jersey had overcome their objections, though only under protest. Maryland held out until February of 1781. 

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Roosevelt, Franklin D. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.)

Lot 79: Roosevelt, Franklin D. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.)

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Description: 79. Roosevelt, Franklin D. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages, (8 x 5 in.; 203 x 127 mm.), “On Board The Cunard R.M.S Aquitania” letterhead stationery, 9 May 1932, to an unidentified friend named Henry; in pristine condition. After announcing his candidacy for president, New York governor Franklin D. Roosevelt takes his first vacation in three years. Roosevelt writes in full: I am thinking about the article but that is as far as I have gone so far! The joy of being away from telephones & reporters for the first time in three years is so great that I am confining myself to gazing at the horizon and playing cards with Elliott I. Perhaps, & I hope, the spirit will move me - but I guarantee nothing as yet!   Written in the spring of 1932 while F.D.R. was still Governor of New York, and after he had announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination in January 1932, Roosevelt takes a much needed reprieve.  He expresses his joy about being able to take some vacation, the first in his three years as Governor.  Just two months later, on 1 July 1932, he was nominated for President at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Illinois, and then defeated President Hoover in the November election. A rare autograph letter signed by F. D. R. with fine content.

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Roosevelt, Theodore. Fine autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 7/8 x 5 in.; 200 x 127 mm.)

Lot 80: Roosevelt, Theodore. Fine autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 7/8 x 5 in.; 200 x 127 mm.)

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Description: 80. Roosevelt, Theodore.  Fine autograph letter signed, 4 pages (7 7/8 x 5 in.; 200 x 127 mm.), 21 August 1889 to “My Dear Mr. Meredith”; on stationery headed: “Sagamore Hill, Syosset Station, L. I., Oyster Bay P.O”; light soiling. Commentary on the fighting abilities of Confederate soldiers.  Roosevelt adamantly defends Confederate leadership as he criticizes an article by Woolsely.  Roosevelt writes in full: I was very much pleased at receiving your kind letter;  and was extremely interested in the conversation you mention.  By the way, do you not think Woolsely’s conclusions better than his premises?  While agreeing heartily with his estimate of Lee’s generalship I thought his article as a whole very slipshod, and his complacent allusion to what a regular European army corps could do was ridiculous - I should like to have seen him, or any other English General, with an equal number of troops, matched against Lee, Johnson or Jackson, or Grant, Sherman or Thomas, in ’63 or ’64, I remember an old friend of mine, a veteran of the Army of the Potomac, who saw most of the Franco-Prussian War, remarking that the Germans were good soldiers and excellently drilled, but for all that be would a good deal rather face them than the same number of Confederates - or, as he put it laughingly, of ‘ragged rebs’. By the way, do you happen to know Parker, who wrote ‘Recollections of a Naval Officer’, and McClellan, who wrote a history of Stuart’s campaigns?  They are two admirable books. I am now writing another volume for the statesman series which will be out next winter, a life of Gouverneur Morris; if you happen across it I should like you to glance at how I handle the abortive northern discussion movement in 1814.

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Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed as President, 2 pages (10 3/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 264 x 200 mm.)

Lot 81: Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed as President, 2 pages (10 3/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 264 x 200 mm.)

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Description: 81. Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed asPresident, 2 pages (10 3/8 x 7 7/8 in.; 264 x 200 mm.), “Washington,” 18 November 1905 to the Hononorable John Allison, Chancery Court Chambers, Nashville, Tennessee, marked “Confidential”; on White House letterhead stationery; with White House envelope, postmarked Washington, D.C., November 18, 1905. Roosevelt on Stock-gamblers, plungers, and speculators. Roosevelt writes in full: Many thanks for your letter and your kind words. Now, just a word as to what you say about Secretary [of the Treasury Leslie M.] Shaw and his ‘standing pat and keeping the money in the Treasury out of the hands of stock-gamblers, plungers, and speculators, so as to teach them a wholesome lesson.’ As bad a stock-gambler, plunger, and speculator as I know is Mr. [Thomas William] Lawson; and though he has done some good service by turning state’s evidence on former confederates, he is on the whole a most mischievous of his tribe now in existence, and his appeal and the appeals of men like him is that they shall receive assistance from the Government by the Government’s refraining to take action which in time of stress is always has taken and always must take. There are bear speculators as well as bull speculators, and there is not the slightest moral difference between them. Of course, one crowd howl against the Treasury for acting, and the other for not acting. The business of the secretary is to disregard both crowds, and to be as entirely indifferent to the threats of a man like Lawson as to blandishments of Lawson’s ex-allies, probable future allies, but temporary opponents. I need not say that Lawson’s pretense of entire disinterestedness would not take in even as over-trustful child of six who is acquainted with the facts. Mr. Shaw will not act for any slight strain or in any slight emergency. He will let a good deal of suffering take place before he will act; but if it becomes necessary he can not afford to allow a panic to take place, which might involve the whole country, merely because the panic was originally started by certain people whose antics he thoroughly disapproves. If a pickpocket starts a panic in a theatre for the purpose of picking pockets in the rush, and the panic becomes serious, he is in as much danger as anybody else of being trodden to death. To stop the panic saves in incidentally [word substituted for “instantly” -added in Roosevelt’s hand]; but we cannot on that account refuse to stop it. Stockbroker and author Thomas William Lawson was worth at least $50 million by 1900. In 1902, with Winfield M. Thompson, he published The Lawson History of America’s Cup, detailing Lawson’s grievance regarding the fact that his own yacht, the Independence, was practically barred from competition by the New York Yacht Club. Lawson’s book prompted the editor of Everybody’s Magazine to publish--under the title “Frenzied Finance”--Lawson’s allegedly true story of Amalgamated Copper; many of the club’s wealthy members had suffered heavy losses back in 1897 when the stock declined in price. Lawson exhibited an easy, slashing style of writing combined with a knack for colorful phrasing, which made his rough-and-tumble attack on the “money-kings” vastly popular--even though many of his readers considered him as belonging in the same category. He also wrote articles containing his “remedies” from the correction of stock-market gambling. “Frenzied Finance” was eventually published in book form, and was followed by Lawson’s Friday, the Thirteenth (1907), an attack on the stock market. However, Lawson’s Frenzied Finance cost him many friends and clients; in the last fifteen years of his life, his fortunes declined steadily and he died a comparatively poor man.

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Roosevelt, Theodore. Important typed letter signed as President, 3 pages (10 ½ x 8 in; 267 x 203 mm)

Lot 82: Roosevelt, Theodore. Important typed letter signed as President, 3 pages (10 ½ x 8 in; 267 x 203 mm)

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Description: 82. Roosevelt, Theodore. Important typed letter signed asPresident, 3 pages (10 ½ x 8 in.; 267 x 203 mm.), “Washington,” November 11, 1907 to Joseph H. Kibbey, Governor of Arizona, on White House stationery; together with Joseph H. Kibbey. Typed letter signed, 1 page, 3 December 1907, stating he will attend the conference organized by Roosevelt. Theodore Roosevelt: the conservation President. Roosevelt writes in full: The natural resources of the territory of the United States were, at the time of settlement, richer, more varied, and more available than those of any other equal area on the surface of the earth.  The development of these resources has given us, for more than a century, a rate of increase in population and wealth undreamed of by the men who founded our Government and without parallel in history.  It is obvious that the prosperity which we now enjoy rests directly upon these resources.  It is equally obvious that the vigor and success which we desire and forsee for this nation in the future must have this as its ultimate basis. In view of these evident facts it seems to me time for the country to take account of its natural resources, and to inquire how long they are likely to last.  We are prosperous now; we should not forget that it will be just as important to our descendants to be prosperous in their time as it is to us to be prosperous in our time. Recently I exprest the opinion that there is no other question now before the nation of equal gravity with the question of the conservation of our natural resources; and I added that it is the plain duty of those of us who, for the moment, are responsible, to make inventory of the natural resources which have been handed down to us, to forecast as well as we may the needs of the future, and so to handle the great sources of our prosperity as not to destroy in advance all hope of the prosperity of our descendants. It is evident that the abundant natural resources on which the welfare of our nation rests are becoming depleted and in not a few cases are already exhausted.  This is true of all portions of the United States; it is especially true of the longer settled communities of the East.  The gravity of the situation must, I believe, appeal with special force to the Governors of the States because of their close relations to the people and their responsibility for the welfare of their communities.  I have therefore decided, in accordance with the suggestion of the Inland Waterways Commission, to ask the Governors of the States and Territories to meet at the White House on May 13, 14, and 15, to confer with the President and with each other upon the conservation of natural resources. It gives me great pleasure to invite you to take part in this conference.  I should be glad to have you select three citizens to accompany you and to attend the conference as your assistants or advisors.  I shall also invite the Senators and Representatives of the Sixtieth Congress to be present at the sessions so far as their duties will permit. The matters to be considered at this conference are not confined to any region or group of States, but are of vital concern to the Nation as a whole and to all the people.  These subjects include the use and conservation of the Mineral Resources, the Resources of the Land, and the Resources of the Waters, in every part of our territory. In order to open discussion I shall invite a few recognized authorities to present brief descriptions of actual facts and conditions, without argument, leaving the conference to deal with each topic as it may elect.  The members of the Inland Waterways Commission will be present in order to share with me the benefit of information and suggestion, and, if desired, to set forth their provisional plans and conclusions. Facts, which I can not gainsay, force me to believe that the conservation of our natural resources is the most weighty question now before the people of the United States.  If this is so, the proposed conference, which is the first of its kind, will be among the most important gatherings in our history in its effect upon the welfare of all our people. I earnestly hope, my dear Governor, that you will find it possible to be present.  President Theodore Roosevelt’s contributions to the cause of conservation were immense.  He had a passionate interest in the national forests, in reclamation of arid Western lands by irrigation, and in the conservation of water power and other natural resources.  From the very beginning of his Presidency, Roosevelt expressed his support of conservation.  In his first message to Congress (1 December 1, 1901), he remarked: The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal problems of the United States.  Later in his administration, in his seventh annual message to Congress, Roosevelt again warned: To waste, to destroy, our natural resources - to skin and exhaust the land instead of using it so as to increase its usefulness - will result in undermining in the days of our children the very prosperity which we ought by right to hand down to them amplified and developed.   His opponents were the land-robbers, the mine-grabbers, and the wood-pulp pirates who fought him at every point.  They were vicious adversaries who appealed to the old laws to discredit and damn the proposed reforms.  The May, 1908 conference of governors took place as scheduled; after the conference, which was attended by the governors of most of the states (as well as elder statesmen of every persuasion), Roosevelt appointed a Conservation Commission on 6 June 1908), with Gifford Pinchot as its head. During his terms in office, Roosevelt reserved some 125 million acres in national forests, 68 million acres of coal lands, and 2,500 water-power sites. Roosevelt worked for beauty, reserving National Parks for the use and delight of the American citizenry for generations to come.

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Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed, 2 pages, (9 3/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 238 x 197 mm.)

Lot 83: Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed, 2 pages, (9 3/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 238 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 83. Roosevelt, Theodore. Typed letter signed, 2 pages, (9 3/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 238 x 197 mm.), “Long Island, New York,” 29 June 1915, on his imprinted stationery, to E. A. Van Valkenburg, of the Philadelphia North American, headed Private, with corrections in Roosevelt’s hand; marginal soiling, rust stain from paper clip. Roosevelt on the League for International World Peace. Roosevelt writes in full: First and foremost, let me explain that I appreciate just what you say about the Senator’s attitude; and for that reason I was most careful to tell him that I would stand by any plan which he and you approved.  I had read with the utmost care your editorial on Brumbaugh’s vetoes.  I entirely agree in what you say as to the duty of the Progressives to support him.  It seems to me that the proposals you make in your letter cover the case.  I shall take the liberty of writing to Senator Flinn, recapitulating the suggestions you have made and saying I think they are the ones that ought to be adopted. By the way, there is one point about those gentlemen who support a League for International World Peace that is worthwhile considering. Six months ago or more I outlined the program, which they announced they had just discovered the other day. But I then very emphatically stated that it was a program for the future and that our first business was to make good the promises we had already made and to put ourselves in position to defend our own rights. These gentlemen declined to say a word in favor of our fitting ourselves to go into defensive war in our own interest; and yet they actually wish to make us at this time promise to undertake offensive war in the interests of other people!  It is a striking illustration of the recklessness with which the average American is willing to make any kind of a promise without any thought of how it can be carried out.  Taken concretely, they propose that we shall pledge ourselves in the future to coerce Germany if it acts say toward Switzerland or Holland or Denmark as it has acted toward Belgium. Either such a promise is an empty nullity or it means that we undertake to prepare in such event to send an army of a couple of million men to Europe.  Yet these same individuals praise Wilson for shirking his duty under the moderate Hague Conventions we have already signed and for failure to prepare either to protect our own citizens when murdered on the high seas or to protect them when murdered in Mexico. They won’t advocate preparedness for defensive war in our own behalf but are willing to make utterly reckless promises that we will undertake offensive war in behalf of others. An important letter from Roosevelt with his views on how to achieve and maintain peace.

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Rush, Benjamin. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 84: Rush, Benjamin. Autograph letter signed ("Benj:n Rush"), 4 pages (9 3/8 x 7 ¼ in.; 238 x 184 mm.)

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Description: 84. Rush, Benjamin. Autograph letter signed (“Benj:n Rush”), 4 pages (9 3/8 x 7 ¼ in.; 238 x 184 mm.), “Philadelphia,” 5 August 1803 to Thomas Jefferson; newspaper clipping entitled “The Plague” of 30 July 1803 affixed to fourth page; skillfully repaired. Important heretofore missing letter from Benjamin Rush to Thomas Jefferson concerning the plague and quarantine laws in the United States and abroad. Rush writes in full: I return you herewith Sir John Sinclair; pamphlet upon old age with many thanks.  I have read it with pleasure, and subscribe to the truth of most of his opinions. They accord with opinions which I published, any years ago in the 2nd volume of my medical inquiries & observations. I have just finished reading Col. now Sir Robt:Wilson’s account of the British campaign in Egypt.  It is well written, and is a very popular work in our city, chiefly from its containing the history of the cruelties exercised by Bonaparte’s in that country.  Its merit to me consists much more in the facts he has related respecting the plague.  The annexed extract from one of our newspapers [attached herewith to the present letter] contains the substance of them.  They will be followed as Robert says, by several valuable publications by medical men in which the non importation, non contagion, & domestic origin of the plague will be fully & clearly proved - I wish this subject occupied more of the attention of the legislators of all countries the laws which are now in force in every part of the world to prevent the importation of malignant fumes are absurd, expensive, vexations, & oppressive to a great degree.  Posterity will view them in the same light that we now view horseshoes at the doors of tamers houses to defend them from witches.  We originally imported our opinions of the contagious nature of the plague from the ignorant & degraded inhabitants of Egypt.  It is high time to reject them from countries when free inquiry is tolerated upon all subjects connected with the interests & happiness of nations.  There is more hope upon this subject from laws upon many others.  A thousand considerations oppose the extinction of wars, which cannot operated upon the extermination of pestilential diseases.  There is no moral wil [sic] in them, & of course no obstacles to their destruction, but what arises form ignorance and prejudice.  It would seem as if a certain portion of superstition belonged necessarily to the human mind, and that that part of it which had been banished from Religion, had taken sanctuary in medicine, hence thousands of the Citizens of the United States who would be ashamed to exclaim “Great is Diana of Ephesus,” now openly and zealously cry out “Great are the Quarantines of all our States.” In his postscript, Rush writes of Napoleon Bonaparte and how he dealt with the plague and the distress it is causing among inhabitants of the city of New York: Had not Bonaparte been a believer in the contagion of the plague, he would not have added to his other crimes-- the destruction of 580 of his soldiers who were confined with the plagues, least they should infect his whole army. There is no calculating the amount of the cruelty, & misery which have issued from a belief in that most absurd Doctrine.  It is just now beginning to produce distress of every kind in the city of New York.  Our citizens instead of offering its inhabitants and asylum have this day interdicted all intercourse with them by land and water. A fine letter from one of the most celebrated physicians in American history. A fellow founding father of the United States, Rush was a signatory of the Declaration of Independence and attended the Continental Congress. He maintained close ties to Jefferson in the years to follow. In fact, Jefferson sent Meriwether Lewis to Rush in Philadelphia in 1803 in preparation for his extensive expedition with William Clark. It was Rush who taught Lewis about frontier illnesses and the performance of bloodletting before he began his famed expedition in 1804.  A telling clue of the depth of the friendship Rush shared with Jefferson can be found in Rush’s closing to the present letter: From Dear Sir with great respect your sincere old friend of 1775, Benjn Rush. The present letter was received by Jefferson and recorded in his Epistolary Record. After the death of Rush, the letter was returned by Jefferson to Richard Rush, the son of Benjamin Rush. Richard Rush annotated his father’s letter with the following explanatory note: My father to Mr. Jefferson. August 5, 1803. Sir Robert Wilson’s British Campaign in Egypt. Quarantine Laws. Non-contagion of the plague and its domestic origin. Although Rush’s transcript of the letter was published in The Letters of Benjamin Rush, 1951, the actual letter has been missing until now. Provenance: Purchased from a direct descendant of Benjamin and Richard Rush.

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Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de. Autograph letter signed twice, in Spanish, 5 pages

Lot 85: Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de. Autograph letter signed twice, in Spanish, 5 pages

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Description: 85. Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de. Autograph letter signed twice (“Ant. Lopez de Santa Anna”) and in full in the text, in Spanish, 5 pages  “Kingston, Jamaica,” 1 February 1849 to the President of the Section of the Grand Jury (i.e. the Supreme Court); “Copia” erased from head of first page, marginal scattered spotting. Santa Anna writing of the circumstances leading to his exile in Jamaica.  In this extraordinary letter from exile, Santa Anna writes in part: In painfully contemplating the sad situation of the country and that in the position to which I had been reduced, I could do nothing to serve it, I decided to turn to the General Government so that I may be permitted to remove myself to foreign soil, and I did this in the terms expressed in the following note. Est[eem]’d. Sir, The world witnessed the solemnity with which I was called to the fatherland, the exile which was imposed on me as a consequence of our political misfortunes, and it is well known that in abandoning the enjoyment of the comforts of home, I sought to correspond to that high honor until my abilities could attain it, without omitting means or sacrifice of any kind. Providence, wise and just, but inscrutable in its works, did not deign in this case to favor the Mexican people with victory, and with most extraordinary efforts have been fruitless.  Such a lamentable circumstance the enemy bastards have been able to capitalize on to harass me without risk, going even as far as calling me a traitor, forgetting that they are able to make their grave offenses heard only because I was prodigal in granting them attention and benefits:  in vain it was held out for them to see that my fortune had been ruined at the hand of the invaders; the rancor of theirs, even in their writings, my public duties, the honesty with which, as is my wont, I helped the soldier  who marched  to the field, without my being compensated, the obvious risks I had run in the field of battle, and finally, that before granting a disgraceful peace, I preferred the dangers of war.  For which fortune has refused me her favors, and I was not fortunate in my undertakings, despite the generous disinterestedness with which power was bestowed upon me to continue the campaign if I should suddenly be separated from the theater of war with disregard to the constitution if I should be mortally wounded and if I retreat to this refuge for more than three months, which would be the case as of now, as to my regret the outrageous peace which has been announced, and I am suffering patiently, defenselessly the outrages or perfidious insults which Mexican cowards inflicted me with in the press in the presence of the invaders, whom I had fought against, without  their  being detained by the discredit to which they were reducing their anguished country by such conduct. As it turned out, so as to be able to live under the protection of the bandits who roamed through here in sizeable parties, I had to spend more than two thousand pesos to main a small escort, which was necessary to this end, whereas by the cash reserves of the treasury I served without pay.  In such circumstances, when my services seemed unnecessary, my situation being most deplorable, nobody could justifiably reproach me for tending to providing for my innocent family, and so in consequence I decided to look for asylum on foreign soil, where I would spend my last days in the tranquility which could not be found at all in that of my birth.  A victim one time of the furor of factions, persecuted by them without mercy, for me it is almost indubitable that my misfortune extends to being deprived of the solace a man about to die needs, and to be insulted in the country of his fathers, even though I have spilled my blood on it and have fought to protect the fatherland.   This conviction prompted me to apply, in respectfully soliciting the Supreme Government, for such permission to emigrate from this Republic, making my voyage by rout which circumstances will afford, and I must thank Y.E., should such request be granted, if the official passport can be dispatched to this place in the shortest possible time.  I can assure you that the honorable distinctions with which the magnanimity of the nation has deigned to favor me for some services which I was obliged to render it will always live in my memory, and that my gratitude for your singular benevolence will be eternal.  In this frame of mind, I have the honor to offer Y.E. the consideration of my particular appreciation.  God and liberty, Tehuacan, January 22, 1848-Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.-Est.’d St. the Minister of War.-Queretaro. In consequence of which the passport was sent me and a safe conduct from the enemy general, of which I made use in my march to the town of Antigua; in Cuya Barra I embarked on April 5, 1848 in the direction of this island, where I have been living since May 2.  When I passed through Tehuacan, the above-mentioned substitute judge of the court of original jurisdiction appeared, who let it be known that it would be necessary to deal with the charge mentioned in the conclusion of the report together with me and I instructed him to send all of it to the section of the Grand Jury.  I punctually verified to him the conduct of Don Jose de Anillaga in avoiding the detours which customarily occurred in the posts; I want to thank Y. E. that you will employ the same person to notify me of the correspondence which I receive. This occasion affords me the opportunity to offer to Y. E. the consideration of my distinguished appreciation... Santa Anna wrote this letter during the second of his three exiles.  In 1841, he became a military dictator in Mexico and governed by violence till he was driven into exile by mutiny in 1845. He fled to Cuba, but was recalled to command against the invading army from the United States in 1846.  The Americans beat him, and once more he went into exile in 1848.  In 1853 he was recalled and named president for life, with the title of Serene Highness. In less than two years he was again overthrown and had to go abroad in August 1855.  For the rest of his life, Santa Anna lingered on the outskirts of Mexico, endeavoring to find an opening to renew his old adventures.

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Seward, William Henry. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.)

Lot 86: Seward, William Henry. Autograph letter signed, 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 86. Seward, William Henry. Autograph letter signed (“William H. Seward”), 2 pages (9 7/8 x 7 ¾ in.; 251 x 197 mm.), Washington, 17 January 1850 to J. C. Woodman Esquire of Portland, Maine; in fine condition. The political issues leading to the Compromise of 1850 prove divisive. Seward writes in full: I have the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 12th instant in behalf of the Committee of Arrangements for a meeting to be held at Winthrop on the 29th & 30th, to which I desire to reply in a private rather than in a public way. The Advocates and Apologists for the late absurd attempt to force the economy of the slave states to a sanction by the free states desire for obvious reasons to change the issue to one of Union vs Disunion. They set it down in their plan that I with others in Congress opposed to slavery would agitate the country, if not with a view at least with a tendency to Disunion. I have thought this an advantage I ought not to afford them. I have therefore abstained from addressing the public any where and any way even in my own state, while standing on the guard of freedom in my place here. If it were not egotistical I would add that an issue has been made up on my own conduct, upon which a public decision has been invoked. It is my earnest desire to leave that decision to be procured without any word of self defense or justification or excuse here or elsewhere. Will this explanation confidentially of my sentiments be accepted by the Committee, to whom I beg leave to tender assurances of my sincere respect and cordial sympathies. Just 12 days after Seward’s letter, aging Senator Henry Clay--who had dedicated his political career to preserving the Union--expressed his annoyance at the extremists from both the South and the North who were threatening to resort to force. He offered the Senate a series of resolutions that he hoped all sides could agree on; from these resolutions eventually came the Compromise of 1850. The Compromise of 1850 was an attempt to solve the North-South differences over the extension of slavery into the territories, specifically the newly annexed Texas and land acquired after the Mexican War. Enacted 9-20 September 1850, the compromise included the following provisions: the admission of California as a free state, the use of popular sovereignty to decide free or slave status for New Mexico and Utah, the prohibition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, the passage of a more stringent fugitive slave law, and the settlement of Texas-New Mexico boundary claims. It included the Fugitive Slave Act, which placed fugitive slave cases under exclusive Federal jurisdiction, and subjected those who aided and abetted fugitive slaves to stiff and severe criminal and civil penalties. As well, the Compromise favored new territorial acquisitions by peaceful means. The continuing debate centered on the slavery question in newly acquired regions, with the southern states opting for the right of the people in the new territories to adopt their own constitution and form of government--including the organization of the state without restrictions on slavery. The Compromise was successful in averting civil war between the states--with the moderates in the North pacified, and the increasing militants in the South temporarily mollified. Only South Carolina was ready to secede rather than accept the Compromise. Seward--an anti-slavery advocate--vigorously opposed the Compromise of 1850, stating in a speech on 11 March 1850 that all legislative compromises [were] radically wrong and essentially vicious. He appealed to a higher law justifying refusal of constitutional protection to slavery.

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Stroud, Robert (

Lot 87: Stroud, Robert ("Birdman of Alcatraz"). An important archive, 55 pages

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Description: 87. Stroud, Robert (“Birdman of Alcatraz”). An important archive including Stroud’s handwritten eyewitness account of the riot in Cell Block D, the basis for the film, “The Birdman of Alcatraz,” 55 pages various sizes, “Alcatraz,” October and 27 December 1946; marginal fraying. An extraordinary archive manuscript material on the bombing of Cell Block D in the hand of the Birdman of Alcatraz. The archive contains the following: (A.)Autograph Manuscript, 50 pages, Alcatraz, California, October 1946--Stroud’s manuscript (a typed transcript is included) titled “I Accuse by Robert Stroud”--an affidavit in support of Criminal Complaints against: James V. Bennett, Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons; C.J. “Gracie” Shuttleworth, Warden, U.S. Penitentiary at Milan, Michigan; Frank “Bloodhound” Johnson, Alcatraz, California; Isaac Sway, Senior Warden’s Assistant, U.S. Penitentiary, Leavenworth; Gordon MacDonald, Inmate, U.S. Penitentiary, Leavenworth; Doctor Joseph Cronin, U.S. Public Health Service; Doctor Louis Roucek, U.S. Public Health Service; Guard Attendant Smith, U.S. public Health Service; Guard Jones, now of Alcatraz, formerly of Leavenworth; Guard Sharff, of U.S. Penitentiary, Leavenworth; and Walter A. Hunter, U.S. Penitentiary, Leavenworth, and others. Stroud accuses the above listed persons ...for violation of the following statues of the United States... Title 18, U.S.C. Section 51, Depriving a citizen of a right guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States; Title 18, U.S.C. Section 251, Misprison of Felony; Title 18, U.S.C. Section 242, Intimidation of party or witness; Title 18, U.S.C. Section 452, Murder; Title 18, U.S.C. Section 455, Assault with intent to murder; Title 50, U.S.C Section--Sabotage, Second War-Powers Act, as set out fully herein. Stroud begins his manuscript with a number of paragraphs of personal information: My name is Robert Stroud; I am 57 years of age; I am an inmate of D-Block, the punishment department, of the United States penitentiary on Alcatraz Island, located in the mouth of the Golden Gate, within the Southern Division of the Northern Judicial District of California, a place under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. I have been held in solitary confinement in D-Block since my arrival at Alcatraz on December 19, 1942. I have been imprisoned continuously since January 18, 1909; I am now serving a life sentence for the killing of a guard at Leavenworth on March 26, 1916; I have been held in Solitary Confinement from that day until this--a period of more than thirty years. All of that time has been devoted to study, twenty-two years of it to scientific research in the field of avian pathology and therapeutics. I have the best conduct record of any many who has ever been confined in any Federal Prison, not having been punished or reprimanded for violation of prison rules since November 2, 1919, a period of twenty-seven years. I am the author of two books: ‘Diseases of Canaries,’ published at Kansas City, Missouri, April, 1933, and ‘Stroud’s Digest on the Diseases of Birds,’ published at Minneapolis, Minnesota, December, 1943, as well as many scientific articles of avian physiology and pathology. Five different accusations make up the body of the manuscript. The first begins: I ACCUSE James V. Bennett, Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons; C.J. ‘Gracie’ Shuttleworth, Warden of the U.S. Penitentiary at Milan, Michigan, official stoolpigeon for Mr. Bennett; and Frank ‘Bloodhound’ Johnson, of Alcatraz, with making an unprovoked assault upon my person with at least 15 antitank grenades, with the deliberate and declared intention of murdering me, this on May 3, 1946, at Alcatraz, California. Continuing his accusations against Bennett, Shuttleworth, and Johnson, Stroud opens his lengthy handwritten manuscript with a detailed account of the particulars of the bombing of D-Block: On May 2, 1946. Three prisoners in the main cellhouse, as a protest against starvation and other Gestapo methods of the Bureau of Prisons, seized a guard, one rifle, one pistol and about 70 rounds of ammunition. They captured a number of guards and officials, including the guard in D-Block, shot some in the more obnoxious of the their prisoners, killing one. They then took refuge in the main cell block, fought off recapture until their ammunition was exhausted and they were killed, which occurred about 4 o’clock on Friday, May 3, 1946... (B.)Petition for Temporary Writ of Habeas Corpus signed, Three pages, Alcatraz, California, 27 December 1946--Stroud’s handwritten petition in the case of Robert Stroud (Petitioner) vs. James A. Johnston (Warden, United States Penitentiary, Alcatraz, California, Respondent) - To the Honorable A.F. St. Sure, Senior District Judge, In the United States District Court For the Northern District of California, Southern Division. Stroud petitions:  Therefore, petitioner prays that this court issue a temporary writ of habeas corpus ordering the Warden of said penitentiary to surrender the body of petitioner, together with his legal papers, to the custody of the United States Marshal, and ordering said Marshal to transport petitioner and his papers to the office of the United States Commissioner at San Francisco, there permit petitioner to make his statement and transact all lawful business essential thereto and, at the termination of said legal business, to return the body of petitioner safely to the custody of the aforementioned Warden of the united States penitentiary at Alcatraz, California. Robert Stroud, No. 594, Alcatraz, California. The petition is also signed by the Associate Warden, U.S. Penitentiary, Alcatraz, California. Attached to the petition is Stroud’s lengthy two-page statement made to Attorneys Vinkler and Spagnoli (a typed transcript of the text is included), in which Stroud states: I may be wrong, but it is my idea that an acquittal in this case will be as bad as a conviction unless it results in a thorough Congressional investigation of the whole rotten mess which is the prison Bureau...there is one thing that you can and must use, the story of the bombing of D Block. I must tell that story. I am the one man who can tell it as it should be told. It is in the bombing of D Block that these people went out on a long limb and sawed that limb off. Here is the score, and we can prove all this, too... (C.) Petition Signed. Two pages, Alcatraz, California, October 1946--Stroud’s handwritten petition (a typed transcript is included) which states: Comes now Robert Stroud, who upon his oath states that he is the author of the attached Criminal complaint; that every accusation made therein is true and, for the most part, provable without the use of convict witnesses; that twice, as set out in the complaint, attempts have been made upon his life by persons having authority over him; that, though not necessarily fearing for his life, petitioner knows from experience that the persons accused are in possession of great power which they will not hesitate to use ruthlessly in order to silence him...

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Taylor, Zachary. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 88: Taylor, Zachary. Autograph letter signed ("Z. Taylor"), 4 pages (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.)

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Description: 88. Taylor, Zachary. Autograph letter signed (“Z. Taylor”), 4 pages (9 7/8 x 8 in.; 251 x 203 mm.), “Baton Rouge, Louisiana,” 30 December 1823 to his brother Hancock Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky; address panel integrated into fourth page with text and postmarked 1 February 1823; some dampstaining; seal tear, red wax seal remnant. Taylor grieves over the loss of his mother. Taylor writes to his brother in part: Your two letters of the 19th of Decr 22 & 19th of Jany 23 only reached me a few days ago since & about the same time --the first giving me the melancholy & disturbing intelligence of the death of our good kind &affectionate mother; & although I had expected that event, from the turn Peggy informed me her disease had taken, yet the information has truly distressed me . I had anticipated the pleasure of once more seeing her, but providence has directed otherwise, & our family has for the few last fatal years been among those that have been most severely afflicted. I sincerely hope that our good father will be able to bear up against this severe trial with his usual firmness. What course he will pursue relative to his breaking up or keeping house, time must determine. You are on the spot and I have no doubt will aid him with your advice, & I wish it was in his power to follow those pursuits, & walk of life that is most agreeable to him. But I am fearful that he will be under necessity of keeping house, on account of Sally & perhaps the other likewise; & should this be the case, you can advise whether it will be best for him to keep the plantation or dispose of it, & purchase a small establishment . . . . Taylor continues his letter with details on various family matters including an impending legal battle. Fearing his brother had not received an earlier letter, he recaps the content herewith noting he has purchased a small plantation in order to get my negroes together. A heartfelt letter from one brother to another as they grapple with the loss of a parent.

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Thornton, William. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (9 ¾ x 7 7/8 in.; 248 x 200 mm.)

Lot 89: Thornton, William. Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (9 ¾ x 7 7/8 in.; 248 x 200 mm.)

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Description: 89. Thornton, William.  Autograph letter signed, 4 pages (9 ¾ x 7 7/8 in.; 248 x 200 mm.), “City of Washington,” 13 August 1823 to Joseph Gales, editor of “the Nat[ional] Intel[ligencer]”; light browning.   William Thornton, the first architect of the U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C., describes his close friend, George Washington. Thornton responds to an article printed the day before, giving his own recollections of his close friend, George Washington, then turns to a brief defense of Secretary of State John Quincy Adams based upon Washington’s confidence in him when he served as his Minister to Prussia.  At the time of this letter Adams was a potential Presidential candidate for the election of 1824.  Thornton writes in full: Under the Title of Revolutionary Anecdotes in your Paper of yesterday, I read with pleasure, and with sympathetic feelings, the farewell scene, when the General [George Washington] parted with the officers whom he had so long commanded, and with whom he had been so honorably engaged in the revolutionary struggle.  It is so exactly like the conduct of that estimable character, that I doubt not its perfect truth.  He was a man of great sensibility - amiable - kind - benevolent.  But there was so much native dignity in his deportment, that no man could approach him without being impressed with a sensation that he accorded a superior Being: yet there was a small mixture of timidity in his general demeanor, lest he might commit an error, & this modesty was exceedingly prepossessing.  It gave a mildness and kindness to his manner; and when, by being much with him the sensation of awe abated; it was converted into a warm attachment to a Person in whom was found every amiable quality; for he was a generous, kind-hearted, and most sincere Friend; - as capable of giving attention as of expecting them, & never failing to reciprocate a kindness. I have lived for weeks together with the General at Mount Vernon, at different times, during many years, & the more I knew of him the more I sincerely regarded him.  When he died he was the best friend I had on Earth, & his loss I shall never cease to regret.  It was to me irreparable. In the Anecdotes above alluded to, the General is represented as of so grave a character, that he was scarcely ever seen to laugh.  I have seen him enjoy good Tales, & laugh as heartily as most men of elevated character. He was occasionally grave, when other men laughed, for he had much to think of, that required his attention: his correspondence was so extensive, that he was seldom long unoccupied; and he never left for the morrow what the Day required.  He was punctual, and in all things regulated by the most perfect order, & the utmost propriety.  But he was of so amiable a disposition, that he never failed to express pleasure, where he found a desire to please.  Though he enjoyed refined and polished wit, it was not requisite to show that he enjoyed a happy sally; even a pun has made the General laugh in high glee; & I have heard him make observations with a good deal of quaintness and archness, suppressing a smile, and leaving the Company in full enjoyment o f the effect.  He was a man of genius, & wrote some beautiful little pieces of poetry.  But above all he was a man of piety, a real Christian, and in the language of Scripture, walked humbly before God. In speaking with the General, or the characters of our Countrymen, who were sent on foreign missions, he gave me the following character of John Quincy Adams. He observed that we had many estimable characters abroad, but that Mr. Adams, then our Minister at the Court of Prussia, who was still very young, gave him more real and satisfactory information of the general politics of Europe, and of all the affairs and diplomatic concerns relative thereto, than all our other Ministers together.  The General expressed the satisfaction which Mr. Adams gave him, in terms the most flattering.  I mentioned this, in a large company, and the venerable William Bayly, who was present, & who I know used often to visit the General, declared that he also heard the General say he thought Mr. John Quincy Adams the most promising young man in the United States, & that the General spoke of him in the very highest terms. Though from Mr. Adams I have not had the honor of experiencing those Civilities which every other Secretary of State condescendingly tendered to me (for I have been above twenty years at the head of a branch of the Department of State [the Patent Office]); though I neither expect, nor shall ever solicit any favor from him, on my own account, and believe it might be to my individual advantage were any other candidate to be elected.  I think it my duty to inform the Public of the opinion of the great Washington; & I may add, that having for years lived the next door neighbour to Mr Adams, I know him to be a truly upright & strictly honest man, indefatigable in his public Duties, an excellent parent, beloved in his Family, religious, and of the highest moral character.  When individuals are filling the Papers with the most violent abuse of this Gentleman, the minds of many good men may be erroneously impressed; and it is sometimes difficult to divest the mind of injurious impressions, though the result only of malevolent sarcasms, devoid of truth; or intended merely to operate to his political disadvantage; and though what I have stated may offend some, yet I know that good men will duly appreciate whatever may tend to the removal of error: and I have now merely performed a duty to the Public. I lament that some of the news papers have become the vehicles of abuse.  I have the honor of knowing well every Gentleman who has been proposed for President & I can say, with truth, that each of them is worthy of the high honor to which their Friends have thought it proper to solicit the public favor, in their behalf. A fine letter with great historic content.

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Tyler, John. Fine autograph letter signed, 2 pages (10 x 7 ¾ in.; 254 x 197 mm.)

Lot 90: Tyler, John. Fine autograph letter signed, 2 pages (10 x 7 ¾ in.; 254 x 197 mm.)

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Description: 90. Tyler, John. Fine autograph letter signed, 2 pages (10 x 7 ¾ in.; 254 x 197 mm.), “Sherwood Forest” [Tyler’s 1,200 acre Virginia plantation], 19 November 1855.  Written to his son, Robert Tyler, who served as Private Secretary to his father during his Presidency, then later, during the Civil War, served as Registrar of the Confederate States Treasury, on blue stationery; docketed on the verso of the blank overleaf: “Ex: President Tyler, Sherwood, Va., Nov: 9. 1855. Important - political”; verso of third page with mounting remnants. One year before the Presidential election of 1856, former President John Tyler, confesses that he is almost in despair in worry about the nation’s future and hopes that the country might be saved. Tyler writes: The course which you suggest for my political conduct, is precisely that which I have adopted.  I am in all sincerity for Mr. [Henry Alexander] Wise, and shall truly rejoice if one correct in opinion and so honorable in action can be elevated to the Presidency.  If he surrounded himself by Councillors of the same high order with himself, the country might be saved.  But I confess that I am almost in despair, although I bear constantly in mind the roman maxim ‘never to despair of the Republic’.  Have you read in the Herald of last week the article from the London news under the hand of the Pacific News.  It is a direct appeal to the North to break up the Union, accompanied with a long and bitter tirade against the South.  If there is not Patriotism enough in New England to revolt against that, or if the scales over their eyes is not remov’d by it, then treason is spread broadcast and there is required no ghost from his grave to tell us that the end is nigh.  Rely upon it that the next four years will prove to be the turning point of our destiny, and that it requires no ordinary man at the head of affairs to weather the storm.  I even doubt whether the Presidency would be desireable [sic].  He would be but a wreck in history, whose administration should witness a destruction of the government.  But I must here end my gloomy reflections as I have to avail myself of the passing boat for this letter.  In 1854, Wise was nominated by a combination of Tidewater and Trans-Allegheny delegates as Democratic candidate for Governor of Virginia. Former President John Tyler supported the gubernatorial aspirations in Virginia of his old friend, Henry A. Wise. Wise’s victory was a sweep, enough so to bring his name prominently before the South as a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination in 1856. The Presidential election of 1856 loomed as one of the most unpredictable in American political history. The task ahead was not enviable for Wise or any other political candidate. In this superb letter, Tyler proves to be quite the clairvoyant.  As it turned out, President James Buchanan proved to be a very ordinary President and his administration a wreck in history.  He did little more than preside over the rapidly disintegrating Union. 

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Tyler, John. Fine autograph manuscript signed, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 in.; 222 x 178 mm.)

Lot 91: Tyler, John. Fine autograph manuscript signed, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 in.; 222 x 178 mm.)

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Description: 91. Tyler, John. Fine autograph manuscript signed, 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 in.; 222 x 178 mm.), “Sherwood Forest,” 18 August 1856; inlaid. On the subject of envy, John Tyler quotes Shakespeare and delves back to Ancient Greece. Tyler writes in full: There was wisdom and profound philosophy in the saying which Shakespeare in his Henry VIII puts into the mouth of Cardinal Wolsey in his last words to Cromwell, “Still in your right hand carry gentle peace, to silence envious tongues.” It has been from the first, the fate of merit to excite envy. So was it in the primitive days, when Cain envied his brother Abel for his greater acceptability in the eyes of the creator, and so it will continue to be “to the last syllable of recorded time.” The envious are never more gratified, than in exciting anger and bitter controversy. It is the food o which they live--deprive them of it, and they perish for the want of necessary aliment. If one has liv’d worthily, he may well content himself to let the envious find ther own graves as they assuredly will if not swollen into the consequences by injudicious retort. History furnishes innumerable examples of this amongst the most remarkable of which is that of the distinguished Athenian who was followed to his lodgings by one who heap’d  upon him all manner of abuse. Upon reaching his door, he calmly directed his torch-bearers to accompany the man safely to his own home; thus giving a reproof incalculably greater than blows would have inflicted, causing all Athens to applaud him for his forbearance and moderation. The shell in which Aristeded wrote his own name for ostracism constitutes the most enduring monument to his memory . . . With great facility, Tyler quotes Shakespeare and recounts Ancient Greek history revealing his aristocratic roots and erudite manner.

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[U.S.S. Constitution]. Manuscript Medical Log Book for the U.S. Frigate Constitution, 163 pages

Lot 92: [U.S.S. Constitution]. Manuscript Medical Log Book for the U.S. Frigate Constitution, 163 pages

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Description: 92. [U.S.S. Constitution]. Manuscript Medical Log Book for the United States Frigate Constitution, 163 pages (18 ¾ x 11 ½ in.; 476 x 292 mm.), various locales, 18 July 1799 to 31 July 1800; original marbled paper boards, later calf spin; quite worn; missing first leaf, first leaf present with paper loss at lower right, marginal browning, fraying and wear, marginal repair to first five leaves. The medical log for the U.S.S. Constitution kept shortly following her maiden launch. A remarkable record of quotidian realities aboard the most beloved shipping vessels in America, the present medical log of the U. S. S. Constitution is of great historical significance. The log begins with fourteen pages of itemized expenditures for medicines and hospital stores. This section is followed by a full page headed, List of Venereal Cases, containing no less than thirty-three names and specifying the type of venereal disease (gonorrhea being the most prevalent), treatment and date of discharge. The log continues with a lengthy section headed: The Daily Journal of sick kept on board . . . Silas Talbot Esquire as Commander. The daily journal beginning on 18 July 1799 contains vital information in columns including name, station, disease, symptoms, prescriptions, when discharged, when and where removed, death, diet and daily expenditures. Besides venereal diseases, maladies on board the great frigate included pleurisy, foul stomach, scurvy, ulcers, fractures, diarrhea, headaches, pain and fever. Only twelve deaths are listed for 18 July 1799 to 31 July 1800. Interesting to note is the varied array of foods and beverages in the Diet column of the log: cocoa, chocolate, tea, wine prunes, raisins, limes, rice, barley, Indian pudding, goat soup gruel, yams and onions being the most repeated in the log. Constitution is a wooden-hulled, three masted heavy frigate of the Unites States Navy named by George Washington after the Constitution of the United States of America. She is the world’s oldest commissioned naval vessel afloat. Launched on 10 October 1797, Constitution was one of the six original frigates authorized for construction by the Naval Act of 1794. Joshua Humphreys designed the frigates to be the Navy’s capital ships and thus, Constitution and her sisters were larger and more heavily armed than standard frigates of the period.  Constitution was put to sea on 22 July 1798 with orders to patrol the eastern seaboard between New Hampshire and New York to provide protection for American merchant shipping amid the great unrest with France at the time. Under the command of Captain Silas Talbot, Constitution departed Boston on 23 July 1799, just days after the log herewith begins. Bound for Saint-Domingue via Norfolk she was on a mission to interrupt French shipping.  She took the prize Amelia from a French prize crew on 15 September.  Constitution arrived at Saint-Domingue on 15 October and rendezvoused with frigates Boston, General Greene and Norfolk. No further incidents occurred over the following six months. It was not until April 1800 that Talbot investigated increased traffic near Puerto Plata and discovered the French privateer Sandwich. On 8 May the squadron captured the sloop Sally. Talbot captured Sandwich by utilizing the familiarity of Sally to access the harbor and captured Sandwich on 11 May. It was later determined Sandwich had been captured from a neutral port and she was returned to the French. Routine patrols continued for Constitution until 13 May when problems arose with the mainmast and she returned to Boston for repair--just about when the present log ends.

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Villa, Francisco (

Lot 93: Villa, Francisco ("Pancho"). Autograph letter signed, in pencil ("Francisco Villa"), 1 page

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Description: 93. Villa, Francisco (“Pancho”). Autograph letter signed, in pencil (“Francisco Villa”), 1 page (10 7/8 x 8 ½ in.; 276 x 216 mm.), “General Headquarters,” 20 November 1919, in Spanish, to “Sr. Gerente,” the manager of the Alvarado Mining and Milling Company, on his letterhead imprinted Correspondencia Particular del General Francisco Villa; marginal fraying and light soiling.   Mexican bandit Pancho Villa continues to extort “protection” money from the Alvarado Mining and Milling Company. Villa writes in full: You will remember that working under the best possible faith I told Mr. McQuatters the sum of $ 20,000.00 (twenty-thousand dollars).  Last month I sent him a letter in El Paso charging him that and he hasn’t paid.  You Sir have the influence to see to it that this money is put into the hands of Mr. Frederick Jaccobby sometime during this month or otherwise our agreement is broken, proving to Mr. McQuatters that the functioning of his mines depends upon the protection I have given him.  An extremely rare and seldom-encountered autograph letter with Villa’s large and bold signature.

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Warren, James. Autograph letter signed (

Lot 94: Warren, James. Autograph letter signed ("J Warren"), 2 pages, (9 1/8 x 7 ½ in.; 232 x 191 mm.)

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Description: 94. Warren, James.  Autograph letter signed (“J Warren”), 2 pages, (9 1/8 x 7 ½ in.; 232 x 191 mm.), “Plymouth, Massachusetts,” 20 July 1788 to Elbridge Gerry; with integral docketed leaf; skillfull repair to foot of leaf, integral docketed leaf reinforced. We are not to see the Operation of the New Constitution with all its splendid advantages. Warren writes in full: Neither the stationing of Centries or the malicious wishes & obliquy of the federals will ever prevent my visiting my friend at Cambridge when it is in my power.  No Man, or at least very few, can at this day profess that invaluable Treasure Mons Consiia Recti as I firmly believe you do without being marked by detraction & Ill nature.   I have myself a large share of malicious Slander which I never deserved from this Country.  I heartily despise it.  My spirits shall never be affected by it, & among the numerous resources of Consolation it certainly is no inconsiderable one to be associated with a man who is so much Esteem & with whom I have been associated in the most Zealous & faithful services to this Country.  They now wish us to be Bankrupt, & despondent, or they would not spread such ill-founded rumours.  They gratify their Malice instead of exercising those feelings which pity, if not gratitude should excite on such an occasion if true.  No Man was ever persecuted with such inveterate Malice as I am. It follows me in every step I take. An Instance has lately occurred in which the public certainly had no concern, but more Noise has been made about my taking of a few Locks from Milton House, than would have been made if another Man had burned it.  It is so in every thing, & I suppose will be so, for the same reason it has been so.  I will quit this subject after giving you one anecdote, which I think sufficient to silence Malevolence itself.  I went to his agent & Informed him that there were a variety of articles which would be very Convenient to Mr. Lee, that he should have the preference at a Moderate price if he Inclined to have them, & afterwards received this surly answer, that he would not lay out a shilling there, & now complaining that they are taken away. We are not to see the Operation of the New Constitution with all its splendid advantages.   You must prepare yourself for taking a part in the Execution in one House or the other.   Policy will prevail over Malevolence, & make your Election certain, and your acceptance I think must be as certain as your Election, & will be a Choice only of the least evil.   I have much to say to you on this & other subjects, which I design to do ere long.  Viva voce in the mean time.  Give my great regards to the federal Lady. James Warren 28 September 1726 - 28 November 1808 was the President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and a Paymaster General of the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, among other positions. A letter of great historical content from a beloved major general in the American Revolution.

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Washington, George, Revolutionary War-date letter signed (

Lot 95: Washington, George, Revolutionary War-date letter signed ("Go Washington"), 1 page (12 7/8 x 9 ¼ in.)

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Description: 95. Washington, George, Revolutionary War-date letter signed (“Go Washington”), 1 page (12 7/8 x 9 ¼ in.; 327 x 235 mm.), Head Quarters Morris Town, 26 April 1777 to Brigadier General John Glover, in the hand of an unidentified aide-de-camp; with free frank On Public Service; skillfully repaired. Faced with a dire need of able commanders, Washington makes an eloquent appeal to a fellow officer to remain with the “great cause” that can now only be decided “by the Sword.” Washington’s letter is a powerful combination of gentle rebuke, subtle praise, and an appeal to patriotism to secure the consent of a valuable fighter for independence.  Washington writes in full: After the conversations, I had with you, before you left the army, last Winter, I was not a little surprised at the contents of yours of the first instant.  As I had not the least doubt, but you would accept the commission of Brigadier, if conferred upon you by Congress, I put your name down in the list of those whom I thought proper for the command, and whom I wished to see preferred Diffidence in an officer is a good mark because he will always endeavour to bring himself up to what he conceives to be the full line of his duty; but I think, I may tell you, without flattery, that I know of no man better qualified than you to conduct a Brigade, You have activity and industry, and as you very well know the duty of a colonel, you know how to exact that duty from others. I have with great concern observed the almost universal listlessness that prevails throughout the continent and I believe that nothing has contributed to it more, than the resignation of officers who stepped early forward and led the people into the great cause, in which we are too deeply embarked to look back, or to hope for any other terms than those we can gain by the Sword. Can any Resistance be expected from the People when deserted by their leaders?  Our Enemies count upon the Resignation of every Officer of Rank at this time, as a distrust of and desertion from the cause and rejoice accordingly.  When you consider these matters I hope you will think no more of private inconveniences, but that you will, with all expedition, come forward and take that command which has been assigned to you. As I fully depend upon seeing you, I shall not mention any thing that has passed between us, upon this Subject, to the Congress. In spring of 1777, Washington found himself in sore need of able commanders with proven battlefield skills.   Glover was the ideal candidate:  An ardent patriot and a fine leader of men, who had served Washington well in previous campaigns.  Congress duly approved the appointment of ten men for commissions, including Anthony Wayne and Glover; but when the commission reached him, dated 21 February, Glover declined it. Washington’s eloquence, though, prevailed.  Glover took up his command and participated in the defense of Newport, Rhode Island, served as a member of the court which passed sentence on the British spy, Major John Andre, helped defend the forts in the Hudson Highlands and finally retired in 1782 due to failing health and his ill wife.  After the war, Glover served as a member of the Massachusetts delegation which ratified the Federal Constitution. A heartfelt and eloquent appeal from the Commander-in Chief of the Continental Army to a dutiful officer. Provenance: Christie’s New York, 22 November 1985, lot 211.

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Washington, George. Important Revolutionary War-date letter signed and franked, 1 page

Lot 96: Washington, George. Important Revolutionary War-date letter signed and franked, 1 page

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Description: 96. Washington, George. Important Revolutionary War-date letter signed and franked (“G: Washington”), 1 page (13 3/8 x 8 ¼ in.; 340 x 210 mm.), “Head Quarters Fredericksburg 14th Novembr 1778” to General Alexander McDougall, the body of the letter in the hand of Washington’s Aide-de-Camp, Caleb Gibbs; integral address leaf docketed by McDougall; light browning, marginal splits to horizontal folds. Washington reports the destruction of the Somerset, the British flagship that sent Paul Revere on his midnight ride. Washington writes in full: Dear Sir, I have your favour of the 9th and 13th. I think it will be on every account better for the Officers of the Connecticut line, to take their places as they were posted by the new arrangement, and I desire that Generals Huntington and Parson may do it. I have received advices from Boston that the Sommerset of 64 guns, one of Admiral Byron’s Fleet, went on shore on Cape Cod in a gale of wind the 31st last month. The Officers & Crew (except 40 or 50 drownd) are prisoners. It is said that three or four more ships were seen in extream distress. If the Fleet had not made a port before the Storm of the 11th and that of last night we may conclude that they cannot be in a very agreeable situation. They had not got into Newport on the 10th Count d’Estang put to sea with his whole Fleet on the 4th of this month. Washington first gives his instructions regarding the reassembly of the Connecticut line, then goes on to naval matters. The Somerset was one of Britain’s star fighting ships, with 64 guns and a well-trained and experienced crew, which was on hand at the outset of hostilities between the British and the colonists at Concord and Lexington. No doubt, the Somerset is best known through its mention in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s famed poem, Midnight Ride of Paul Revere”: And I on the opposite shore will be, Ready to ride and spread the alarm, Through every Middlesex village and farm, For the country folks to be up and arm. Thenhe said, Good-night with a muffled oar, silently rowed to the Charlestown shore, Just as the Moon rose over the bay, There swinging wide as her moorings lay, The Somerset, British man-of-war, A phantom Ship with each mast and spar, Across the moon like a prison bar, And the Huge black hulk, that was magnified, By its own reflection in the tide . . . In the present letter, Washington gives details of the Somerset’s destruction and the capture of her crew. He closes his letter making mention of Count d’Estaing, the French naval officer who sailed to America on 13 April 1778, to aid the American cause.  Early in July, d’Estaing reached Delaware Bay, then sailed for New York in hopes of engaging the British fleet, anchoring near the Jersey shore.  D’Estaing appeared at Newport in late July and on 5 August 1778, the British burned six frigates in order to prevent their falling into the hands of the French. Events seemed favorable for the capture of the entire British force at Newport, but delays and lack of proper understanding between the two commanders prevented united action.  The appearance of the British fleet and a subsequent storm, in which several of the French vessels were seriously injured, led to their withdrawal to Boston for repairs, and the campaign terminated without success. A remarkable letter with highly important Revolutionary War content. Washington’s signature is large and bold as his frank on the integral address leaf.

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Washington, George. Important Revolutionary war-date letter signed, 3 pages (9 x 7 ½ in.)

Lot 97: Washington, George. Important Revolutionary war-date letter signed, 3 pages (9 x 7 ½ in.)

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Description: 97. Washington, George. Important Revolutionary war-date letter signed (“Go Washington”), 3 pages (9 x 7 ½ in.; 229 x 191 mm.), Head Quarters New Windsor, 28 May 1781 to Brigadier General James Clinton, father of Dewitt Clinton, and brother of George Clinton, Revolutionary governor of New York; in fine condition. In the final stages of the war and with limited military intelligence, Washington gambles that the British will refrain from advancing on the New York frontier, concentrating the bulk of his force on the lower Hudson in an attempt to take Manhattan. At the time of the present letter, Clinton was in command of the Northern Department, headquartered at Albany. Answering a pair of anxious requests from Clinton for reinforcements in the north. Washington replies in full: Upon my return from Weathersfield the evening of the 26th [the historic Wethersfield Conference between Washington and Rochambeau, May 22, 1781, where the grand invasion of Manhattan was conceived] I was favored with your two Letters of the 17th and 22nd Inst. General St Clair had previously given some directions respecting the Military Stores which were wanted at the Northward. I have since referred the application to General Knox, who has made such farther arrangements for a supply, as our present circumstances would permit.  In consequence of the determination to abandon Fort Schuyler, I have also thought it advisable to send an Engineer to have the superintendance and direction of the Fortifications which are to be erected, General Du Portail has been requested to order one accordingly. The Six Companies of Col Van Schaicks Regiment, now at West Point, are put under marching Orders, that if occasion should require they might be transported to Albany immediately.  But I am very unwilling to suffer any Troops to be removed  from this quarter, unless there is a real necessity for it. And indeed it would be useless to send them, unless there is also a probability of their being supplied with Provisions. Altho I am apprehensive the Enemy will attempt to make incursions on the frontier in the course of the Campaign, the accounts as yet have been so vague and contradictory, that I know not what to believe respecting the present strength, disposition, and designs, of the British and Savages in Canada.  As soon, and as frequently as you can obtain any intelligence that may be relied upon, I wish you to advise me of it.  And also of everything of moment, which appertains to the Troops under your Command, particularly of the state of your Supplies. The month of May was a busy one for Washington, for it brought the prospect of a new, decisive campaign against the British.  Previously, his ragged troops just 3,500 strong, had effected a hollow siege of New York, then occupied by the British under Henry Clinton.  Lacking provisions and ammunition, they were relegated to a watchful poise across the Hudson while the confident British troops, 14,500 in number and professionally trained, reinforced their works on Manhattan. On 22 May, just six days before the date of the present letter, Washington received encouraging news: the French West Indian fleet had been ordered to send a major detachment northward to America, scheduled to arrive in July.   In addition, the French government had appropriated 6 million livres to the United States for sorely needed military supplies, chiefly food and clothing.  All this was an enormous vote of confidence in Washington, and enabled him to plan for an offensive move against New York instead of remaining in a defensive siege throughout the summer. A hasty meeting with Rochambeau was arranged [the Wethersfield Conference], the fruits of which were an elaborate plan to wrest control of New York from the British with a combined force of French and American troops, involving General James Clinton’s Newport-based troop  [near present-day Elmira, New York], which would be moved to the south.  This proved a dangerous endeavor: by concentrating his forces for an attack on well-defended New York, Washington left the frontier of upstate New York frighteningly exposed to invasion.  Yet, with the bulk of the British military presence firmly ensconced in New York City, it was a gamble he had to take if he had any chance of winning the war. By the end of July, Washington had mustered a combined force of over 9,000 men, ready and in position to sweep over Manhattan Island.   But weeks of reconnaissance during July and August revealed Washington’s worst fears: the British works were virtually impregnable.  Furthermore, De Grasse, the French admiral who had triumphantly sailed north to aid the Continentals, announced that he would withdraw from New York by October at the latest.  Washington, who had been so focused on the capture of New York, was initially incensed at this setback; but after careful consideration he devised an alternate plan to leave a garrison of 2,500 men on the Hudson while secretly moving the majority of his bolstered army southward in an attempt to bottle up Cornwallis at Yorktown. This would prove to be the final crushing blow to the British war effort in America, ensuring the freedom and independence for America he had fought so long to achieve. A fine letter with important military content, written at a climactic juncture during the Revolutionary War.  The removal of troops from the northern theater was the very first step in what would become the last campaign of the war: the siege and ultimate surrender of the British at Yorktown.

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Washington, George. Fine Revolutionary War-date autograph letter signed, (

Lot 98: Washington, George. Fine Revolutionary War-date autograph letter signed, ("Go. Washington"), 2 pages

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Description: 98. Washington, George. Fine Revolutionary War-date autograph letter signed, (“Go. Washington”), 2 pages (8 ¾ x 7 in.; 222 x 178 mm.), “Valley Forge,” 11 January 1778 to his nephew, Captain George Lewis; discoloration to page fold repairs. During his bitterly cold sojourn with the Continental Army at Valley Forge during the winter of 1777-78, George Washington requests his nephew to bring him his household supplies to make it through the long winter campaign. Washington writes in full: I am sorry to find by your Letter to Mr. Harrison that you still continue indisposed - If the state of your health requires leave of absence, I shall not object to your visiting your friends in Virginia to recover it. - You will take this in your way as I shall want to see you before you go. I wish you to have every part, & parcel of my Baggage removed from New Town to this place. - I do not know in whose care, & possession it is; but am satisfied I ought to have a good deal there. - among other things a Bed. - end Irons - Plates - Dishes - & Kitchen Utensils - however, be it what it will let the whole come - pay, or bring an Acct. of the expenses attending the Storage & c; and hire or Express proper waggons for bringing these things. Washington’s nephew, George Lewis, who had served as his uncle’s aide, was apparently on furlough due to illness.  Washington does not object to his absence, but asks that he undertake a mission for him: to bring together and transport to him his household items from New Town.  Washington remained camped at Valley Forge throughout the bitter winter of 1777-78.  The British controlled the Delaware River, and had firm possession of Philadelphia.  He did not break camp until June 19, 1778, the day after the British evacuated Philadelphia and set out for New York City.  As this letter illustrates, throughout the Revolutionary War, it was Washington, who held his troops and generals together during extreme physical hardships and overwhelming aggravation and despair.  An extremely rare and important letter completely in the hand of George Washington.

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Washington, George. Important autograph letter signed (

Lot 99: Washington, George. Important autograph letter signed ("Go: Washington") as President, 2 pages

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Description: 99. Washington, George. Important autograph letter signed (“Go: Washington”) as President, 2 pages (9 ½ x 7 5/8 in.; 241 x 194 mm.), “Philadelphia,” 7 November 1791 to the 1st Marquis of Lansdowne; integral blank; skillful repair to folds. Washington pays tribute to the man, who, while leading the administration of Great Britain was responsible for the recognition of American Independence. Washington writes in full: The letter with which you were please to honor me - dated the 4th of July was presented to me by Lord Wycombe. Permit me to thank your Lordship for introducing so worthy and intelligent a young Nobleman to my acquaintance, and to regret that his stay in this Country is so short as not to have allowed him to investigate it more. We flatter ourselves however that the impression it has made on him is not unfavorable and we should have hoped a better knowledge of it would not have weakened the first impressions. This Country has a grateful recollection of the agency your Lordship had in settling the dispute between Great Britain and it; and in fixing the boundary between them: It is to be wished that the same liberal policy was pursued, and every germe of disconnect removed that they might be reciprocally beneficial to each other; their laws, language and customs being much assimilated... A fine letter in which the First President of the United States compliments Lansdowne on his work at bringing peace between Great Britain and America. Washington also compliments him on the attainments displayed by Lord Wycombe, Lansdowne’s son. He notes his regret that Lord Wycombe’s stay in America was so short as not to have allowed him time to investigate it more. He closes his letter subscribing himself with elaborate courtesy: I pray your Lordship to be assured of the great respect and consideration with which I have the honor to be Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble Servant. A letter of great historical significance in which Washington commends the 1st Marquis of Lansdowne for his instrumental role in America’s independence from Great Britain. References: J. C. Fitzpatrick.  The Writings of George Washington (1931-44). Vol. XXXI, pp. 410-11. Provenance: Christie’s London, Boxwood House Archive 12 October 1994, lot 86.

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Washington, George. Extraordinary autograph letter signed twice as President

Lot 100: Washington, George. Extraordinary autograph letter signed twice as President

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Description: 100. Washington, George. Extraordinary autograph letter signed twice (“G. Washington” and “G. Wn.”) as President, 2 pages (9 ¼ x 7 ¾ in.; 235 x 197 mm.), “Philadelphia,” 6 May 1792 to Thomas Paine; integral blank; marginal split to horizontal fold. President George Washington politely but resolutely snubs radical author Thomas Paine, refusing even to comment on his great work, Rights of Man, in which Paine advocates revolution against aristocratic governments. Washington writes in full: To my friends, and those who know my occupations, I am sure no apology is necessary for keeping their letters so much longer unanswered than my inclination would lead me to do.  I shall therefore offer no excuse for not having sooner acknowledged the receipt of your letter of the 21st of July.  My thanks, however, for the token of your remembrance, in the fifty copies of the Rights of Man are offered with no less cordiality than they would have been had I answered your letter in the first moment of receiving it. The duties of my Office, which at all times (especially during the sitting of Congress) require an unremitting attention naturally become more pressing towards the close of it; and as that body have resolved to rise tomorrow, and as I have determined in case they should, to set out for Mount Vernon on the next day, you will readily conclude that the present is a busy moment with me - and to that I am persuaded your goodness will impute my not entering into the several points touched upon in your letter.  Let it suffice, therefore, at this time to say, that I rejoice in the information of your personal prosperity - and as no one can feel a greater interest in the happiness of mankind than I do, that it is the first wish of my heart that the enlightened policy of the present age may diffuse to all men those blessings to which they are entitled - and lay the foundation of happiness for future generations - With great esteem I am Dear Sir  Your most Obedt Servt  G. Washington.  P.S.  Since writing the foregoing I have received your letter of the 13th of February with twelve copies of your new book which accompanied it - and for which you must accept my additional thanks.  G.Wn. Paine had sent Washington 50 copies of the first part of his Rights of Man in July, 1791, and followed up with 12 copies of the second part in February, 1792.  Allowing time for Paine’s two parcels to reach Washington from England, it is nonetheless clear from this cold impersonal letter that President Washington has no real interest in responding to the man who, during the American revolution, had been responsible for inspiring the morale of the dispirited Continental Army, of which Washington was Commander-in-Chief.  Lamely, Washington begs forgiveness for his pre-occupation with the duties of office, and even suggests that his possible upcoming travel to Mount Vernon prevents a response. It has taken him months, however, to respond to Paine and his response is mere perfunctory and polite thanks. The deliberate snub comes in Washington’s blatant refusal to comment on Paine’s work.  In the controversial two-part pamphlet Rights of Man, Paine responded to Edmund Burke’s critical view of the French Revolution.  Paine argued that civil government exists only through a contract with the majority of the people for the safe-guarding of the individual, and if man’s “natural rights” are interfered with by the government, revolution is permissible.  In agreement with the French Revolution, Paine opposed aristocratic government, and contended that freedom of action and thought were natural rights and should not be interfered with by civil authority.  In the pamphlet, he called upon the English people to overthrow their monarchy and set up a republic. Viewed in this light, Paine’s tract may have been viewed by Washington as an assault upon his own authority as President.  Washington’s cold response is understandable. Thomas Jefferson, who at the time was serving as Washington’s Secretary of State, was involved in the arrangements for the U.S. publication of Paine’s work - as a means of combating the “Federalist heresy.” Often pitted against Washington’s trusted advisor, Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, Jefferson was often at odds with Washington.  Indeed, Jefferson and other anti-Federalists such as Monroe, were critical of the office of President, observing that a president who could be re-elected indefinitely and commanded the armed forces “seems a bad edition of a Polish king.” Jefferson also came in disagreement with Washington for his proposed foreign policy, recommending aid to France in the war between France and England.  Washington rejected Jefferson’s counsel, and maintained strict neutrality between Britain and France despite the 1778 treaty of alliance with France.  Soon, the rift between the Federalists (Washington, Hamilton, John Adams) and the anti-Federalist forces led to the creation of the Democratic - Republican party, with Jefferson as its leader.  No doubt Paine’s book served to widen the rift between Jefferson (and the anti-Federalists) and Washington (and the Federalists). Due to the book’s “seditious” content (coupled with its exceptional popularity), Paine was indicted for treason.  He was forced to flee England, and seek refuge in France, where he was safe until the new French government revoked his citizenship and he was put in prison (1793-94).  Finally, he was released at the request of Minister to France James Madison, who claimed Paine was an American citizen.  According to Paine, Washington refused to help him. A superb historical letter linking two of America’s great patriots, though they are clearly not of one mind on the subject of revolution.

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Washington, George, Important autograph letter signed (

Lot 101: Washington, George, Important autograph letter signed ("Go: Washington") as President, 3 pages

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Description: 101. Washington, George, Important autograph letter signed (“Go: Washington”)as President, 3 pages (8 7/8 x 7 3/8 in.; 225 x 187mm.), “Mount Vernon,” 16 September 1795 to Colonel Timothy Pickering serving as Secretary of State, marked “Private” at the upper right of the first page; seal tear repaired. President George Washington prepares for the final exchange of treaty ratifications with Great Britain (Jay’s Treaty) and awaits final confirmation of a treaty with the Northwest Territory Indian tribes (Treaty of Greenville). Washington writes in full: Monday’s mail brought me both your letters of the 11th instant. The one containing an extract from Maj. [Isaac] Craig’s letter, relative to the conclusion of the treaty with the North Western Tribes of Indians, was very acceptable--and I pray you to dispatch [James] Seagrove [U.S. Agent of Southern Indian Affairs], and impress strongly upon him the necessity, and the earnest wish of the government, that we would, without delay, effect, if it can be done, a peace between the Creeks and Chiccasaws [Chickasaws]. It would be a pleasing circumstance not only to be enabled to say at the meeting of congress--that we were at Peace with all the Indian nations, but by the mediation of the U. States we had settled the differences between the tribes above mentioned; the latter of whom having been always our friends, and engaged according to their own accord in a war partly on our behalf. My letter from Baltimore by Express (the expence of which I preferred to the delay of waiting three days for the next mail) and my other letter from Elkton, will evince my anxiety to get the several dispatches for our public characters abroad--namely--[the former Minister to Great Britain/Special Commissioner and Envoy Extraordinary to Spain Thomas] Pinckney, [Minister to France James] Monroe and [Minister to The Hague John Quincy] Adams to hand as soon as possible; I request therefore to know (if they are gone)--when, by whom, and for what Ports they were sent:--and I request moreover, that several copies may be sent to all of them to insure the arrival of one. I am sorry I had not sounded Mr. [Elias] Boudinot on the appointment to the Mint [as Director--nominated December 10, 1795; confirmed December. 11] before he left the vicinity of Philad; as Mr. [Henry William] de Dissausure [Director of the U.S. Mint] cannot, or will not, remain at his Post beyond the early part of October. Mr. Marshall (from some peculiar circumstances) declines the offer of Attorney General; and I have been enquiring into the abilities and other qualifications for the Law characters in Maryland--but not much to my satisfaction as yet. I perceive by the Gazettes, that the [His Majesty’s cruiser] Africa [under the command of Captain Rodman Home] was disappointed of her expected prize [the capture of the Medusa with French Minister Joseph Fauchet aboard], and had returned to her former station at New Port. Have you heard whether the order for quitting it, has been communicated to Captn. Holmes [sic]?--and if so, what has been the result?--and the sentiments it has excited in persons of different descriptions. The exchange with Great Britain of final ratifications of Jay’s Treaty. On 19 November 1794, Jay’s Treaty with Great Britain was signed to settle terms of peace, amity, commerce, navigation, boundaries and extradition. The terms of the treaty were not made known until March of 1795. The Senate ratified the treaty on 24 June 1795 after long debate; President Washington signed the treaty on 14 August 1795. On 20 August 1795, Secretary of War, Timothy Pickering, agreed to take on the duties of the office of Secretary of State--after it was revealed (through the interceptions of communications from Joseph Fauchet, the Minister of the French Republic, to his own government) that Secretary of State Edmund Randolph was implicated in improper, near-treasonous activities. Randolph resigned when called in question by Washington; Fauchet denied that he meant any reflections on his honor. Randolph himself wrote an elaborate vindication of his actions. Pickering’s immediate task was to prepare definitive instructions for the American diplomat who was to execute the exchange of treaty ratifications with Great Britain. The task was assigned to the most available diplomat of rant, John Quincy Adams, the American minister resident at The Hague, who was immediately ordered to London. At the same time, the former Minister to Great Britain, Thomas Pinckney, appointed Special Commissioner and Envoy Extraordinary to Spain (effective April of 1795) was negotiating with Spain. Through his diligent efforts, the Treaty of San Lorenzo [Pinckney’s Treaty] (27 October 1795) was signed at Madrid, in which Spain recognized the boundary claims of the U.S. under the Treaty of 1783 [in accordance with the treaty of peace between the U.S. and Great Britain] and gave to the Americans free navigation of the Mississippi River. The Treaty of Greenville (9 August 1795). In the years following the American Revolution, American officials sought to force the Indians to submit to the victorious colonials. However, the Indians still regarded themselves as independent and continued to negotiate from a position of insistent pride. Due to the Indians’ obstinacy, the government was forced to enforce its claims by sending in the military. In October 1791, General Arthur St. Clair, the governor of the Northwest Territory (served 1787-1802), was sent into the wilderness with a 2,000-man force. In a bloody confrontation with Little Turtle on the upper Wabash River (4 November 1791), St. Clair suffered a disastrous defeat, the worst disaster in the long history of the Indian Wars. President George Washington--not acknowledging defeat--appointed Revolutionary War hero General “Mad Anthony” Wayne to lead the next assault. Realizing that Wayne’s superior forces would surely defeat his warriors, Little Turtle advised the Indians to seek peace. The other chiefs overthrew him and gave his command to Turkey Foot. At the Battle of Fallen Timbers (20 August 1794), Wayne was victorious, losing only 33 of his own men in the process. On 3 August 1795, the Treaty of Greenville resulted in the Indians’ ceding the southeastern corner of the Northwest Territory together with enclaves beyond (Detroit and the future site of Chicago) in exchange for annuities amounting to $10,000. President Washington first learned of the treaty in a communication from Anthony tribes, though he, as of that date, still did not have a text of the pact. So, Washington instructed a cessation of hostilities between the Creeks and the Chickasaws. It was Washington’s hope to be able to report to Congress in November that the U.S. enjoyed peace with every Indian nation and had been instrumental in negotiating a truce between the two warring tribes. At the end of September, Pickering finally forwarded a certified text of the accord Wayne had signed with the Ohio tribes at Greenville. The way was finally clear for the advance of the American farmer and entrepreneur into the frontier of the rich continent. John Marshall declines the Attorney Generalship. In the fall of 1795, President Washington offered the Attorney Generalship to John Marshall of Richmond, Virginia. The Supreme Court Justice declined. The offer next went to Thomas Johnson of Maryland, who pleaded failing health; next an invitation was forwarded to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of Charleston. Eventually, Charles Lee of Virginia took the cabinet post (19 December 1795). His Majesty’s cruiser Africa off Newport. In the summer of 1795, the British cruiser Africa, under the command of Captain Rodman Home, had hovered just off Newport in the hope of intercepting the French frigate Medusa when that vessel put to sea. Several seamen from America merchant ships had been impressed into service by the British commander. On 1 August 1795, the cruiser entered American territorial waters to stop and search the coastal packet Peggy, during which time the baggage of Joseph Fauchet, the Minister of the French Republic, was ransacked. Secretary of War Pickering, who served from 2 January to 10 December 1795, filed a formal protest. In early September, President Washington, determined that the sovereignty of the United States should not be affronted without redress, approved a detailed indictment of Home. The result:  All intercourse was henceforth prohibited between the people of Newport and the Africa. The Medusa--with French Minister Joseph Fauchet aboard--slipped to sea from anchorage in Newport the night of 31 August 1795. It was pursued at once by Captain Home in the Africa. Washington directed Pickering to inform James Monroe, the Minister to France, of all the facts in the case. An important letter with rich historical content. Provenance: From the family of Timothy Pickering.

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